UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

^™*flBi 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


The  Liberator 


A    BIOGRAPHICAL    SKETCH 

" Lincoln,  the  man  who  freed  the  slave" 


BY 

CHARLES    WALLACE    FRENCH 


FUNK    &    WAGNALLS 

NEW   YORK 
LONDON  TORONTO 

1891 

Printed  in  the  United  States  All  rights  reserved 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1891,  by 

FUNK    &    WAGNALI.S, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington,  D.  C. 


PREFACE. 

BIOGRAPHICAL  writings  in  general  may  be  divided 
into  two  distinct  classes.  The  first,  which  may  be 
called  the  objective  class,  is  made  up  of  those  works 
which  regard  the  individual  as  only  a  factor  in  the 
world's  progress.  They  narrate  more  or  less  faith 
fully  the  important  events  in  his  life,  and  trace  their 
connection  with,  and  influence  upon,  the  life  and 
thought  of  the  age.  Thus  the  life  of  the  individual 
becomes  a  chapter  in  universal  history.  Such  works 
may  have  great  historic  value  but  if  they  go  no  fur 
ther  they  lack  the  essential  element  of  true  biography. 

The  works  of  the  second,  or  subjective  class,  deal 
no  less  carefully  with  facts  and  environments  not  as 
finalities,  but  as  manifestations  of  character.  Through 
the  deed  they  seek  to  know  the  doer  and  to  trace  his 
moral  and  intellectual  growth.  The  writer  studies 
the  life  of  the  individual  as  closely  as  the  botanist 
studies  the  development  of  a  strange  plant,  and  for 
the  same  purpose.  The  scientist  cares  little  for  the 
leaves  and  flowers,  simply  as  leaves  and  flowers,  but 
rather  as  exponents  of  the  life  and  habits  of  the  plant. 
So  the  true  biographer  would  read  a  man's  character 
in  his  deeds,  calling  attention  to  its  weaknesses  that 
other  men  may  be  warned,  and  exalting  its  virtues 
that  they  may  excite  the  emulation  of  mankind. 

The  career  of  Lincoln  is  so  closely  interwoven  with 
the  great  events  that  make  up  the  nation's  history  in 
the  most  critical  period  of  its  existence,  that  the  temp 
tation  is  strong  to  dwell  more  upon  his  deeds  and 


IV  PREFACE. 

environments,  than  upon  himself.  Therefore,  many 
of  his  biographies  fall  within  the  first  class,  notably 
the  larger  and  more  pretentious  works,  which  are  but 
little  more  than  histories  in  which  the  great  President 
figures  as  the  principal  hero. 

On  the  other  hand,  his  personality  was  so  unique  and 
attractive  that  it  forces  itself  into  prominence  even  in 
histories  of  the  period.  Probably  no  character  in 
history  offers  a  more  tempting  field  for  research,  and 
yet  few  are  more  difficult  to  comprehend.  Previous 
to  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  no  one  believed  him 
to  be  possessed  of  the  elements  of  greatness,  and  dur 
ing  his  whole  life  he  had  few  if  any  friends  who  fully 
appreciated  his  character.  Many  of  his  acts  were 
misunderstood  and  his  most  intimate  friends  some 
times  distrusted  him.  It  is  not  strange,  then,  that  his 
biographies  are  too  often  one-sided  and  inaccurate. 
Indeed,  it  is  doubtful  if  it  is  possible  even  yet,  to  make 
a  complete  and  just  analysis  of  his  many-sided  char 
acter.  It  is  much  easier  to  relate  what  he  said  and 
did,  than  to  correctly  describe  the  man  himself  as  he 
was. 

It  is  probable  that  generations  may  pass  before  his 
true  biography  can  be  written.  Certain  it  is  that  suf 
ficient  time  must  pass  to  dim  the  memory  of  the  great 
events  of  the  Civil  War,  and  to  obscure  the  bright 
light  in  which  they  stand  to-day.  Events  lessen  in 
importance  as  they  recede  into  the  past,  but  great 
characters  shine  the  brighter  as  the  ages  roll  on. 

Meantime,  the  character  of  Lincoln  must  be  re 
garded  as  one  of  the  most  precious  possessions  of  the 
American  people,  precious  not  only  as  a  cherished 
memory,  but  also  as  a  living  power,  influencing  life 


PREFACE.  V 

and  character  to-day  no  less  strongly  than  when  he 
was  yet  alive. 

The  multiplication  of  his  biographies,  then,  cannot 
be  deplored  since  each  one  must  present  his  life  from 
a  different,  and,  to  some  extent,  novel  point  of  view  ; 
and  each  new  book  must  add  to  the  great  circle  of 
readers  and  help  to  extend  an  influence  which  is  as 
beneficent  as  it  is  powerful. 

The  historic  field  has  been  so  thoroughly  searched 
that  few  new  facts  can  be  procured.  The  material 
has  been  practically  exhausted  and  the  most  enter 
prising  biographer  can  only  hope  to  present  familiar 
facts  in  a  new  form  and  with  different  lights  and 
shadows. 

The  author  has  no  excuse  for  adding  this  simple 
work  to  the  long  list  of  biographies  already  in  exis 
tence  beyond  that  of  a  deep  reverence  and  love  for 
the  great  man,  "  who,  though  dead,  yet  speaketh." 
And  if  a  single  reader  shall  obtain  a  truer  apprecia 
tion  of  his  character,  and  a  deeper  love  for  the  coun 
try  whose  altar  was  stained  with  the  blood  of  so 
noble  a  sacrifice,  the  effort  will  not  have  been  made 
in  vain. 

CHICAGO,  January  30,  1891. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  1 9-  19 

CHAPTER  II _ 20-  34 

CHAPTER  III 35-  44 

CHAPTER  IV . _ 45-  57 

CHAPTER  V__ _ _ 58-  74 

CHAPTER  VI 75-  84 

CHAPTER  VII _ _     85-  99 

CHAPTER  VIII _ ...   100-115 

CHAPTER  IX 116-128 

CHAPTER  X -_. 129-140 

CHAPTER  XI 141-154 

CHAPTER  XII 155-168 

CHAPTER  XIII 169-187 

CHAPTER  XIV. 188-204 

CHAPTER  XV 205-224 

CHAPTER  XVI r  r . , 225-234 

vii 


Viil  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVII _ .  235-255 

CHAPTER  XVIII 256-270 

CHAPTER  XIX 271-298 

CHAPTER  XX 299-316 

CHAPTER  XXI 317-330 

CHAPTER  XXII 33 1-350 

CHAPTER  XXIII 351-364 

CHAPTER  XXIV 365-380 

CHAPTER  XXV 381-390 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  attention  of  an  observer,  who  stands  upon  the 
seashore,  and  surveys  the  changing  surface  of  the 
deep,  is  not  attracted  so  much  by  the  mighty  mass  of 
waters  spread  out  before  him,  as  by  the  waves  which 
lift  their  crests  high  in  the  air,  as  if  to  assert  their 
individuality  and  power,  and  then  dash  themselves 
upon  the  beach  in  the  vain  attempt  to  burst  through 
the  barriers  which  confine  them. 

So,  in  studying  the  history  of  past  ages,  the  atten 
tion  of  the  student  is  not  attracted  by  the  masses  of 
the  people,  who  have  inhabited  the  earth  during  any 
given  period,  but  rather  by  the  individuals,  who,  by 
their  genius,  heroism  or  devotion  to  principle,  have 
towered  above  the  dead  level  of  humanity  and  per 
formed  deeds  or  perpetuated  institutions  of  which 
the  memory  and  influence  have  become  immortal. 
It  is  such  men  as  these  who,  by  directing  the  giant 
forces  of  society,  government  and  religion,  have  made 
history.  Thus  all  history  must  be,  to  a  large  extent, 
biographical,  for  it  is  the  record  of  the  thoughts  and 
deeds,  not  of  the  many,  but  of  the  few  who  have 
played  the  principal  parts  in  the  great  drama  of  life. 


IO  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

There  are  many  men  who  have  secured  renown  by 
their  achievements,  but  comparatively  few  have  been 
so  fortunate  as  to  have  their  names  linked  with  the 
triumph  of  a  great  principle  over  opposing  forces. 

There  are  multitudes  of  great  generals,  who  have 
conquered  empires,  or  conducted  glorious  military 
campaigns.  The  annals  of  time  teem  with  the  names 
of  statesmen  and  philosophers  who  have  formed  and 
directed  governments  and  institutions,  or  opened  up 
hidden  treasures  of  knowledge.  But  the  number  is 
small  of  those  who  have  been  instrumental  in  insti 
tuting  great  moral  or  political  reforms.  Yet  there 
are  some  names  that  always  suggest  the  great  move 
ments  with  which  they  are  connected  and  with  which 
they  have  become  almost  synonymous.  Thus  the 
history  of  religious  reform  centres  around  the  lives  of 
such  men  as  Luther,  Huss,  Wickliffe  and  Wesley  ; 
while  Cromwell,  Mirabeau  and  Washington  are 
always  identified  with  the  cause  of  popular  freedom 
against  tyranny  and  oppression.  And  no  less  inti 
mately  are  the  names  of  Wilberforce,  Alexander 
and  Lincoln  identified  with  the  cause  of  personal 
liberty. 

The  careers  of  most  of  these  men  have  passed  into 
the  domain  of  history,  and  it  is  possible  to  estimate 
their  character  and  influence,  unbiased  by  the 
glamor  of  their  achievements  or  the  sentiment  in 
spired  by  their  personality  in  those  who  came  into 
contact  with  them.  But  this  is  not  true  of  Lincoln. 
The  generation,  which  witnessed  his  deeds,  has  not 
passed  off  the  stage,  and  there  are  men  still  living 
who  have  clasped  his  hand  and  felt  the  charm  of  his 
presence.  Future  generations  may  arrive  at  a  true 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  II 

estimate  of  his  character,  but  those  who  have  lived  in 
the  same  century  with  him  can  never  do  so. 

An  observer  at  the  base  of  a  mountain  can  see  the 
rocks,  trees  and  precipices  and  note  the  solidity  and 
ruggedness  of  the  great  mass,  but  in  order  to  form  a 
just  estimate  of  its  symmetry  and  majesty,  he  must 
take  his  position  at  a  distance  so  great  as  to  render 
the  minor  details  invisible. 

So  it  is  with  any  man  who  has  achieved  a  history 
for  himself.  Those  who  stand  within  the  circle  of 
his  life  are  too  near  to  take  the  measure  of  his  char 
acter  and  influence. 

It  matters  little  what  shall  be  the  verdict  of  history 
in  the  case  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Whether  it  shall 
rank  him  as  the  foremost  American  and  the  peer  of 
the  world's  greatest  men,  or  only  as  a  patient,  faith 
ful  toiler,  who  was  suddenly  raised  to  a  position  of 
high  responsibility,  and  who  triumphed  over  the  dif 
ficulties  of  the  place  by  hard  common-sense  and 
painstaking  industry,  but  not  by  the  brilliancy  of 
genius,  which  is  commonly  considered  to  be  the  es 
sence  of  such  success.  The  great  fact  must  still  be 
recognized  that  he  saved  the  country  from  a  peril  that 
threatened  her  very  existence  ;  and  that  he  inspired 
and  encouraged  a  burdened  people,  in  the  midst  of  a 
terrible  civil  war,  by  his  own  indomitable  energy  and 
unwavering  faith  in  ultimate  success.  Whatever 
future  ages  may  say,  the  American  people  will  always 
regard  him  as  a  national  benefactor,  and  will  inscribe 
his  name  high  up  beside  that  of  Washington,  the  two 
heroes  whom  a  grateful  country  most  delights  to 
honor. 

When    the  Romans   conquered  Britain,  they  both 


12  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

established  a  military  supremacy  over  it  and  also  intro 
duced  their  own  manners  and  customs,  locating 
colonies,  founding  cities  and  leaving  the  impress  of 
their  civilization  upon  the  lives  and  character  of  the 
native  inhabitants. 

Among  their  many  prosperous  colonies  was  one 
which  they  called  Lin  Colonia,  located  in  the  fertile 
country  between  the  River  Humber  and  the  Wash. 
This  old  Roman  colony  has  developed  into  a  prosper 
ous  county,  the  largest,  save  one,  in  England.  But 
its  name,  Lincoln,  is  to-day  the  only  reminder  of  its 
ancient  founders. 

While  it  is  easy  to  ascertain  the  origin  of  the  name, 
it  is  impossible  to  trace  the  lineage  of  the  modern 
Lincoln  family  back  to  it.  Yet  it  is  certain  that  the 
great  war  President  was  descended  from  one  of  the 
sturdy,  Lincolnshire  families,  who  have  done  so  much 
to  develop  the  English  character  of  to-day. 

In  1638,  or  thereabouts,  one  Samuel  Lincoln  emi 
grated  with  his  family  from  the  county  of  Norfolk, 
Eng.,  to  Massachusetts,  where  he  settled  in  the 
little  town  of  Hingham.  From  this  pioneer  settler  in 
the  new  world  the  various  Lincoln  families,  scattered 
over  the  country,  are  probably  descended.  These 
early  Lincolns  were  a  devout  people  and  earnest 
students  of  the  Bible.  For  a  number  of  generations 
their  children  were  named  after  some  of  the  Old 
Testament  heroes,  many  of  them  bearing  such  names 
as  Mordecai,  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob. 

Samuel's  eldest  son,  Mordecai,  removed  to  New 
Jersey  and  thence  to  Pennsylvania,  where  he  accumu 
lated  a  large  property.  Upon  his  death  one  of  his 
sons,  John,  received,  as  his  share  of  the  inheritance, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  13 

an  estate  In  Virginia,  to  which  he  removed,  where  he 
developed  into  a  prosperous  planter,  and  was  blessed 
with  a  large  family  of  children. 

At  this  time  but  little  was  known  of  the  imperial 
domain  which  stretched  out  in  an  unbroken  wilder 
ness  of  prairies,  forests  and  mountains  from  the  Alle- 
ghanies  to  the  Pacific.  A  few  venturous  pioneers  had 
entered  the  wilderness,  where  attracted  by  the  fertil 
ity  of  the  soil  and  the  boundless  resources  of  the 
country,  they  had  formed  small  settlements.  The 
lives  they  led  were  laborious  and  full  of  danger,  for 
they  were  compelled  to  contend  not  only  with  want 
and  hardship,  but  also  with  the  savages  who  roamed 
about  in  large  numbers. 

The  career  of  Daniel  Boone  had  just  begun  in  Ken 
tucky,  and  it  is  probable  that  he  was  a  personal  friend 
of  the  Lincolns,  and  that,  induced  by  his  glowing  de 
scriptions  of  that  land  of  promise,  Abraham,  John's 
eldest  son,  with  his  wife  and  five  children,  decided 
to  emigrate  to  a  place  where  it  was  possible  to  ob 
tain  a  great  estate  for  a  nominal  price.  He  soon  se 
lected  a  location  in  Mercer  County,  and  pre-empted  a 
claim,  afterwards,  at  various  times,  securing  posses 
sion  of  tracts  of  land,  which  amounted  in  all  to  1,800 
acres.  He  thus  obtained  a  splendid  estate,  which, 
with  its  fertile  valleys  and  thickly  wooded  hill-sides, 
would  have  enriched  his  descendants  could  they  have 
retained  possession  of  it. 

The  labor  of  clearing  the  land  and  rendering  it  fit 
for  cultivation  was  great.  A  heavy  growth  of  trees, 
obstructed  by  dense  undergrowth,  covered  much  of 
the  ground,  all  of  which  must  be  cut  away  and 
burned,  and  the  land  thoroughly  worked  before  seed 


14  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

could  be  sown  and  harvest  gathered.  Nor  were  these 
natural  difficulties  the  only  ones  that  assailed  the  pio 
neers.  The  blue  grass  regions  were  among  the  most 
highly  prized  hunting-grounds  of  the  Indians,  and 
different  tribes  were  continually  contending  for  their 
possession.  Hence  they  regarded  the  whites  with 
savage  hatred,  who  were  striving  to  dispossess  them 
of  their  lands. 

The  settlers  were  thus  compelled  to  be  constantly 
upon  the  alert.  The  rifle  and  the  spade  were  insepar 
able  companions,  where  every  stump  might  conceal  a 
savage  foe,  or  every  unwary  move  bring  a  tomahawk 
hurtling  through  the  air,  thrown  with  unerring  aim. 
Courage  and  persistence  of  purpose  alone  could  ena 
ble  men  to  overcome  such  difficulties  and  labor  on  in 
the  almost  hopeless  attempt  to  convert  the  wilder 
ness  into  productive  farms  and  prosperous  communi- 
vUes.  Many  men  were  overwhelmed  by  their  discour- 
agmg-surroundings,  and,  not  possessing  the  requisite 
means  to  return  to  their  former  homes,  settled  back 
into  a  wretched  existence,  doing  just  enough  to  keep 
the  wolf,  real  and  figurative,  from  the  door,  fretting 
and  repining  throughout  their  miserable  lives  at  the 
fate  that  had  brought  so  much  evil  upon  them.  This 
class  increased  in  numbers  with  increasing  popula 
tion,  and  came  to  bear  about  the  same  relation  to  so 
ciety,  as  the  "  poor  whites  "  of  later  days.  Into  this 
class  of  unfortunates  many  of  the  descendants  of  the 
well-to-do  Lincoln  family 'relapsed. 

Aside  from  a  number  of  wandering  hunters  and 
trappers,  but  few  people  had  entered  the  country  up 
to  this  time  ;  but  now  a  migratory  instinct  seemed  to 
seize  the  families  along  the  borders,  and  large  num- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  15 

bers  entered  "  the  dark  and  bloody  grounds,"  to  set 
tle  there  permanently.  Yet  the  settlements  were 
widely  separated,  and  communication  was  difficult 
between  them. 

The  Lincolns  built  a  rude  log-cabin  in  the  midst 
of  a  clearing,  upon  or  near  the  site  of  the  present  city 
of  Louisville,  and  began  their  exhaustive  labors  of 
taming  the  wilderness  and  gaining  a  living  from  it. 
A  few  years  afterwards,  while  at  work  with  his  sons 
a  short  distance  from  the  house,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  shot 
and  instantly  killed  by  an  Indian,  who  had  been  hid 
den  in  the  bushes.  When  Mordecai,  the  eldest  son, 
saw  his  father  fall,  he  ran  to  the  house,  seized  his  rifle, 
and  shot  the  Indian  while  he  was  attempting  to  scalp 
the  dead  man,  aiming  at  a  medal  on  his  breast.  Thus 
the  head  of  the  family  was  taken  away,  and  the  boys 
were  compelled  to  take  the  burden  of  the  farm  and 
family  upon  their  own  shoulders. 

The  youngest,  Thomas,  was  a  lad  of  seven  when  his 
father  was  murdered,  and  barely  escaped  capture  at 
the  hands  of  the  Indians  at  that  time.  He  grew  up 
into  a  typical  hunter,  poor  and  thriftless,  yet  brave, 
good-natured  and  honest.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
an  inveterate  talker  and  to  have  been  accustomed  to 
embellish  his  conversation  with  numerous  stories  and 
anecdotes,  which  always  gained  him  an  appreciative 
audience,  whenever  he  entered  the  frontier  settle 
ments. 

He  partially  learned  the  carpenter's  trade,  and 
sometimes  worked  at  it,  but  never  continued  long  in 
any  occupation  or  place.  He  was  noted  for  his  phys 
ical  strength,  and  though  not  anxious  to  exhibit  it, 
when  aroused,  he  was  capable  of  performing  almost 


l6  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

incredible  feats.  At  one  time  he  is  said  to  have 
"  thrashed  the  bully  of  Breckenridge  County  in  three 
minutes,  and  come  off  without  a  scratch." 

Many  of  the  great  Lincoln's  prominent  traits  of 
character  may  be  traced  to  this  lazy,  good-natured 
Hercules  of  the  Kentucky  backwoods. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  was  married  to 
Nancy  Hanks,  a  tall  and  beautiful  brunette.  She  was 
ambitious  and  proud,  but  her  spirit  was  soon  broken 
by  the  hardships  she  was  compelled  to  endure,  and 
her  strength  undermined  by  unceasing  toil.  They 
settled  first  in  Elizabethtown,  in  a  small  rudely  built 
house,  where  the  young  husband  hoped  to  earn  a  liv 
ing  by  working  at  his  trade.  He  found  this  a  diffi 
cult  task  and  soon  removed  to  a  little  farm  in  La  Rue 
County,  which  he  had  bought  on  credit,  agreeing  to 
pay  for  it  in  instalments.  The  struggle  that  the 
young  couple  had  entered  upon,  was  a  hard  one.  The 
land  was  rocky  and  barren,  both  difficult  to  cultivate 
and  unproductive,  hardly  yielding  sufficient  to  supply 
their  immediate  wants,  and  leaving  no  margin  to  as 
sist  in  raising  the  debt. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  proved  to  be  an  efficient  helper  to  her 
inefficient  husband.  When  her  housework  was  done, 
she  worked  at  his  side  with  hoe  or  axe  till  sunset,  or 
shouldered  a  gun  and  entered  the  forest  in  search  of 
game  to  add  to  their  scanty  stock  of  provisions.  She 
was  able  to  read  and  write,  an  unusual  accomplish 
ment  among  the  pioneer  families,  but  she  lacked  both 
time  and  means  to  gratify  her  taste  in  this  direc 
tion,  so  that  they  became  almost  forgotten  accom 
plishments.  Yet  her  taste  made  their  little  log-cabin, 
with  its  rude  furnishings,  far  more  attractive  than  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  1 7 

dwellings  of  their  neighbors,  and  had  she  lived 
amid  more  favorable  surroundings,  she  would,  no 
doubt,  have  become  a  refined  and  cultured  woman. 

In  the  midst  of  such  surroundings  as  these,  and  in 
the  most  abject  poverty,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  born 
on  the  1 2th  day  of  February,  1809.  Never  was  hero 
brought  into  this  world  under  more  inauspicious  cir 
cumstances.  There  was,  in  the  lonely  life  of  the  Lin 
coln  family,  no  hint  of  the  glory,  which  was  to  crown 
their  name  and  draw  the  attention  of  the  world  to 
their  humble  cabin.  Nor  did  it  seem  possible  that, 
amid  such  surroundings  and  privations,  a  child  could 
be  born  and  nurtured,  whose  hand  in  after-life  should 
wield  the  fate  of  a  nation. 

There  were  in  all  three  children  :  the  eldest,  Sarah, 
and  the  youngest,  Thomas,  who  lived  but  a  short 
time.  The  family  remained  on  the  little  rocky  farm 
until  Abraham  was  four  years  old,  when  they  removed 
to  a  much  better  farm  on  Knob  Creek,  which  might 
have  been  developed  into  a  valuable  estate.  But  the 
shiftless  father,  content  with  a  diet  of  milk  and  corn- 
meal,  and  satisfied,  if  his  physical  wants  were  moder 
ately  well  supplied,  only  attempted  to  cultivate  a 
small  patch  of  about  six  acres.  He  met  with  his 
usual  indifferent  success,  although  his  patient  wife 
did  her  best  to  make  up  for  his  deficiencies.  He  paiol_ 
but  little  attention  to  the  education  of  his  children,  and 
their  overburdened  mother  could  do  but  little  more 
than  clothe  and  feed  them.  Twice  they  attended  a 
school  in  the  neighborhood  for  a  few  weeks,  at  one 
time  being  compelled  to  walk  four  miles  each  way, 
carrying  a  well-worn  spelling-book,  their  only  text; 
book,  and  a  scanty  lunch  of  corn  bread.  The  course 


1 8  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

of  study  included  only  reading,  writing,  spelling  and 

a  few  simple  arithmetical  rules. 

Young  Abraham  spent  the  most  of  his  time  out-of-__ 
doors  hunting  and  fishing,  or  helping  his  father  in  the 
farmwork.     He  was  bright  and  active,  and  his  free 
life  in  the  open  air  no  doubt  laid  the  foundation  of 
the    sturdy  good    health  which  afterwards   was   of 
so  much  value  in  the  terrible  physical  strain  to  which /s 
he  was  subjected.  — 

Yet  from  childhood  he  was  subject  to  the  fits  of 
melancholy  which  afterwards  so  frequently  over 
shadowed  his  life.  He  had  inherited  the  sensitive 
nature  of  his  mother,  and  the  gloom  of  his  surround 
ings  and  prospects  seemed  to  impress  itself  upon 
him,  even  at  an  age  when  most  boys  would  have  been 
oblivious  to  it.  Whether  working  at  his  father's  side, 
or  wandering  aimlessly  about  in  the  grand  old  forests, 
or  fishing  in  the  clear  waters  of  the  creek,  he  was  still 
oppressed  by  the  atmosphere  of  poverty  and  shift- 
lessness  in  which  he  was  compelled  to  live. 

In   after-life  he  always   looked   back  upon    these 
early  years   with    pain,  and  rarely  alluded  to  them. 
They  were  characterized  by  no  important  occurrence, 
and  their  story  was  but  "  the  short  and  simple  annals 
of  the  poor."     Yet   the   habits   of   simple  living,  of  7 
rising    above    hardships    and    of     overcoming    ther 
obstacles  of   life,    were   of   more  value  to   him  than 
schools,  society  and  culture  to  many  a  more  favored- 
youth.     The  school  of  necessity  is  a  hard  one  but  it 
teaches  its  lessons  well  and  thoroughly. 

After  a  residence  of  four  years  in  this  place,  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  becoming  uneasy  and  discontented,  determined 
to  move  again.  He  had  probably  been  able  to  pay 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  19 

but  little,  if  anything,  on  the  land,  and  may  have  been 
compelled  to  seek  another  location.  At  any  rate,  he 
sold  his  interest  in  the  land  for  ten  barrels  of  whiskey 
and  twenty  dollars.  Having  built  a  rickety  flat-boat 
and  laden  it  with  the  whiskey,  he  set  sail  alone  upon 
the  Ohio  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  a  new  home  for 
himself  and  family. 

After  a  short  voyage,  his  boat  went  to  pieces,  and 
the  cargo  sank  to  the  bottom  of  the  river.  He  fished  it 
up  with  much  labor,  and  leaving  it  at  a  house  on  the 
Indiana  shore,  he  pushed  into  the  wilderness  to  select 
a  suitable  spot  to  settle.  He  soon  found  one,  and 
immediately  moved  his  family  and  furniture  from  the 
old  location  to  the  new.  The  comforts  of  a  home 
this  poor,  wandering  family  hardly  knew.  His 
household  possessions  were  scanty  and  of  little  value, 
consisting  of  a  little  bedding,  a  few  coarse  dishes  and 
two  or  three  wooden  stools,  with  his  kit  of  carpenter's 
tools.  His  neighbors  assisted  him  in  the  task  of 
moving,  ferrying  the  family  with  their  goods  across 
the  river,  and  the  remainder  of  the  journey  was  made 
with  the  help  of  a  yoke  of  oxen  and  a  cart,  both 
borrowed. 


CHAPTER   II. 

MR.  LINCOLN  was  no  doubt  influenced  in  his  deter 
mination  to  leave  his  Kentucky  home  by  the  fact  that 
his  relations  with  his  neighbors  were  becoming  more 
and  more  unpleasant.  His  poverty  and  shiftlessness, 
together  with  his  tendency  to  become  implicated  in 
disreputable  affairs,  all  combined  to  make  him  a  social 
outcast.  Hence  in  leaving  the  State  of  his  nativity 
he  had  but  few  ties  to  break  and  few  friends  to  bewail 
his  departure. 

In  Indiana,  the  Mecca  of  their  pilgrimage,  this  for 
lorn  family  could  look  forward  to  no  friendly  wel 
come,  nor  even  to  a  comfortable  home.  When  they 
arrived,  they  were  compelled  to  camp  out  until  a 
miserable  hut,  commonly  called  a  "  lean-to,"  could  be 
built  for  a  temporary  shelter.  It  was  made  of  poles 
and  was  open  on  one  side  to  the  wind  and  weather. 
Here  they  lived  for  nearly  a  year,  suffering  great 
privations,  and  hardly  protected  at  all  from  the  storms 
and  cold.  In  the  mean  time,  Mr.  Lincoln  broke  up  a 
small  piece  of  ground  and  planted  it  with  corn,  work 
ing  in  the  intervals  upon  a  rude  log-hut,  in  which, 
when  completed,  they  lived  for  three  years,  without 
either  door  or  windows. 

Furniture  was  almost  wholly  lacking.  A  few  three- 
legged  stools  and  a  rough  board  for  a  table  with  a  bed 
made  of  a  large  bag  of  leaves  placed  upon  slats  fas- 

(20) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  21 

tened  to  the  walls  and  held  up  by  poles  resting  on  a 
crotched  stick,  completed  the  list.  The  children 
slept  on  the  ground,  for  there  was  no  floor,  except  on 
the  coldest  nights,  when  they  crawled  into  the  primi 
tive  bed  with  their  father  and  mother. 

The  house  was  located  upon  an  eminence  about  six 
teen  miles  from  the  Ohio  River,  in  what  was  then 
known  as  Perry  County,  near  the  present  village  of 
Gentryville.  It  was  in  the  midst  of  a  thickly  wooded 
country,  where  were  found  great  oaks,  maples,  wal 
nuts  and  many  other  native  trees,  with  little  or  no 
undergrowth.  The  location  was  charming  and  pic 
turesque  and  lacked  nothing  but  water,  which  had  to 
be  brought  from  a  considerable  distance.  The  coun 
try  abounded  in  deer  and  other  inoffensive  wild 
animals,  which  furnished  an  abundance  of  meat 
together  with  the  materials  of  which  the  pioneers 
were  accustomed  to  make  their  clothes. 

Abraham  was  about  eight  years  old  when  the  family 
removed  to  Indiana  ;  yet  he  was  possessed  of  con 
siderable  strength,  and  assisted  materially  in  the  ardu 
ous  labors  of  the  journey.  He  afterwards  said  in 
regard  to  this  period  of  his  life  :  "  We  reached  our 
new  home  about  the  time  that  the  State  came  into 
the  Union.  It  was  a  wild  region  with  many  bears 
and  other  animals  still  in  the  woods.  There  I  grew 
up.  There  were  some  schools,  so-called,  but  no 
qualification  was  ever  required  of  a  teacher  beyond 
'  readin',  ritin'  and  cipherin'  to  the  rule  of  three.'  If 
a  straggler,  supposed  to  understand  Latin,  happened 
to  sojourn  in  the  neighborhood,  he  was  looked  upon 
as  a  wizard.  There  was  absolutely  nothing  to  excite 
ambition  for  an  education.  Of  course,  when  I  came 


22  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

of  age,  I  did  not  know  much;  still,  somehow,  I  could 
read  and  write  and  cipher  to  the  rule  of  three,  and 
that  was  all.  I  have  not  been  to  school  since.  The 
little  advance  I  have  now  made  upon  this  store  of  edu 
cation,  I  have  picked  up  from  time  to  time,  under  the 
pressure  of  necessity.  I  was  raised  to  farm  work  at 
which  I  continued  until  twenty-two." 

Life  in  Southern  Indiana  was  like  that  in  other 
back-woods  regions,  the  story  of  which  is  familiar  to 
all.  Neighbors  were  few  and  distant.  A  sister  of 
Mrs.  Lincoln  with  her  husband  soon  after  settled  near 
by,  and  this  family  furnished  about  the  only  society 
accessible  to  them  for  several  years. 

Educational  advantages  were  few  and  primitive. 
In  all,  young  Lincoln  attended  school  less  than  a  year, 
yet  he  made  the  most  of  that  time  and  obtained  a 
working  knowledge  of  the  rudiments,  which  he  after 
wards  increased  materially  by  home  reading  and 
study. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Hazel  Dorsey  was  Lincoln^ 
first  teacher  in  Indiana.  The  school-house,  which  was 
built  of  logs,  was  distant  nearly  two  miles  from  the 
Lincoln  homestead.  At  school  young  Abraham 
gained  the  reputation  of  being  a  good  scholar  and 
soon  won  the  affection  of  his  teacher  and  playmates.  ^ 

He  was  compelled  to  lose  much  time  in  school,  in 
order  to  help  his  father  split  rails;  yet  upon  his  return 
he  quickly  regained  his  position  in  the  class.  During 
his  short  attendance  upon  this  school  he  gained  a 
knowledge  of  the  rudiments  which  enabled  him  to 
continue  his  studies  by  himself  and  make  rapid  prog 
ress  in  them. 

Farm  work  was  never  a  congenial  occupation,  for 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  23 

he  seemed  to  feel,  even  then,  that  he  was  fitted  for  a 
higher  sphere  and  was  eager  to  make  preparation  for 
it.  He  was  compelled  to  labor  hard  and  incessantly, 
sometimes  at  home,  and  frequently  for  some  neighbor 
who  happened  to  be  short  of  help.  It  is  said  that  he 
was  inclined  to  slight  his  work,  and  that  he  had  in 
herited  something  of  his  father's  shirking  propensi 
ties.  It  was  his  great  delight  to  stop  in  the  midst  of 
his  labors  and,  mounting  a  stump,  to  make  a  speech 
to  his  fellow  laborers,  who  were  always  ready  to  hear 
"  Abe  "  speak,  much  to  the  disgust  of  their  employer. 
He  would  select  a  subject,  sometimes  a  text  from  the 
Bible,  and  embellish  his  harangue  with  stories  and 
jokes,  which,  with  the  contortions  of  his  awkward  fig 
ure,  would  keep  his  hearers  in  a  roar  of  laughter. 
When  he  went  to  the  country  store  or  to  the  mill,  he 
was  generally  surrounded  with  loafers  and  often  for 
got  his  errand  in  his  attempt  to  amuse  his  rude  au 
dience. 

This  propensity  was  a  source  of  considerable  an 
noyance  to  his  father,  who  strove  in  vain  to  conquer 
it.  One  of  his  old  neighbors1  declared  that  "Abe 
was  awful  lazy."  He  says,  "  He  worked  for  me  fre 
quently,  a  few  days  only  at  a  time.  He  once  told  me 
that  his  father  had  taught  him  to  work,  but 
never  learned  him  to  love  it.  He  would  laugh  and 
talk  and  crack  jokes  and  tell  stories  all  the  time ; 
didn't  love  to  work,  but  did  dearly  love  his  pay." 
The  following  description  is  given  of  his  personal 
appearance  at  the  age  of  fifteen.2  "  He  was  growing 


1  John  Romine. 

a  Lamon. 


24  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

at  a  tremendous  rate,  and  two  years  later  attained  his 
full  height  of  six  feet  and  four  inches.  He  was  long, 
wiry  and  strong  ;  while  his  big  feet  and  hands,  and 
the  length  of  his  legs  and  arms,  were  out  of  all  pro 
portion  to  his  small  trunk  and  head.  His  complexion 
was  very  swarthy,  and  his  skin  was  shrivelled  and  yel 
low  even  then.  He  wore  low  shoes,  buckskin 
breeches,  linsey-woolsey  shirt  and  a  cap  made  of  the 
skin  of  an  opossum  or  coon.  The  breeches  clung 
close  to  his  thighs  and  legs  and  failed  by  a  large 
space  to  meet  the  tops  of  his  shoes.  Twelve  inches 
remained  uncovered,  and  exposed  that  much  of  shin- 
bone,  sharp,  blue  and  narrow." 

He  soon  acquired  an  insatiable  thirst  for  knowledge, 
although  at  first  it  required  considerable  persuasion 
to  induce  him  to  attend  to  the  intellectual  tasks  set  be 
fore  him.  There  was  no  book  in  the  house  save  the 
Bible,  but  .this  he  never  tired  of  reading,  until  his  fa 
miliarity  with  it  became  remarkable.  He  used,  fre 
quently,  in  after-life  to  quote  from  it  in  his  conversa 
tion  and  speeches,  and  the  simplicity  and  clearness  of 
his  literary  style  was  largely  produced  by  his  study 
of  its  matchless  diction. 

There  were  a  few  books  of  standard  merit  possessed 
by  the  different  families  in  the  neighborhood  all  of 
which  he  borrowed  and  read  many  times.  Among 
them  were  Weem's  "  Life  of  Washington,"  "  Esop's 
Fables,"  "  Robinson  Crusoe,"  "  Arabian  Nights  "  and 
the  "  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay."  He  dearly  loved  to 
stretch  himself  out  on  the  grass  beneath  the  shadow 
of  some  great  tree  and  pore  over  his  book.  During 
the  long  evenings  he  would  lie  at  full  length  on  the 
floor  beside  the  great  fireplace  and  read  until  the  fire 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  25 

went  out.  He  was  accustomed  to  write  out  with  char 
coal  on  bits  of  board  the  passages,  which  struck  him 
most  forcibly,  and  afterwards  to  commit  them  to 
memory. 

He  became  intensely  interested  in  the  speeches  of 
Henry  Clay,  many  of  which  he  committed  to  mem 
ory.     His  father  was  a  Democrat  and  he  had  natur 
ally  inclined  in  that  direction,  but  now  he  became  an_ 
ardent  admirer  of  the  Kentucky  statesman  and  a  de 
termined  and  persistent  Whig,  remaining  of  that  pol 
itical  belief  until  he  became  one  of  the  leaders  of  thej 
young  Republican  party. 

While  on  his  way  to  Washington,  in  later  years,  to 
assume  the  duties  of  the  Presidency,  he  passed 
through  Trenton,  N.  J.,  and,  in  a  speech  before  the 
State  Senate,  made  the  following  allusion  to  the  deep 
impression,  which  one  of  these  books  had  made  upon 
him  : 

"  May  I  be  pardoned  if,  on  this  occasion,  I  mention 
that,  away  back  in  my  childhood,  in  the  earliest  days 
of  my  being  able  to  read,  I  got  hold  of  a  small  book, 
such  an  one  as  few  of  the  younger  members  have 
seen,  Weem's  '  Life  of  Washington.'  I  remember  all 
the  accounts  there  given  of  the  battle-fields  and  strug 
gles  for  the  liberties  of  the  country;  and  none  fixed 
themselves  upon  my  imagination  so  deeply  as  the 
struggle  here  at  Trenton.  The  crossing  of  the  river, 
the  struggle  with  the  Hessians,  the  great  hardships 
endured  at  that  time,  all  fixed  themselves  in  my 
memory  more  than  any  other  single  Revolutionary 
event,  and  you  all  know,  for  you  have  all  been  boys, 
how  these  early  impressions  last  longer  than  any 
others.  I  recollect  thinking  then,  boy  even  though  I 


26  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

was,  that  there  must  have  been  something  more  than 
common  that  these  men  struggled  for.  I  am  exceed 
ingly  anxious  that  that  thing  which  they  struggled 
for,  that  something  even  more  than  national  independ 
ence,  that  something  that  held  out  a  great  promise 
to  all  people  of  the  world  for  all  time  to  come,  I  am 
exceedingly  anxious  that  this  Union,  the  Constitution 
and  liberties  of  the  people,  shall  be  perpetuated  in 
accordance  with  the  original  idea  for  which  that 
struggle  was  made." 

This  same  "  Life  of  Washington "  was  the  firs^ 
book  which  he  ever  owned.  He  acquired  possession 
of  it,  however,  in  a  manner  not  wholly  satisfactory  to 
himself.  He  had  borrowed  it  from  a  neighbor,  named 
Crawford,  who  was  not  noted  for  his  generosity. 
One  night  Lincoln  took  it  to  bed  with  him  and  con 
tinued  to  read  until  his  pin^  knot  lamp  burned  out, 
when  he  thrust  the  book  into  a  crevice  between  the 
logs  in  the  side  of  the  house.  During  the  night  a 
severe  storm  came  up  and  the  book  was  soaked.  He 
went  to  Mr.  Crawford  in  the  morning,  and  telling 
him  of  the  mishap,  offered  to  pay  for  the  book. 
Crawford  set  him  to  work  pulling  cornfodder,  and 
kept  him  at  it  for  three  days,  making  the  young  stu 
dent  pay  an  extortionate  price  in  labor  for  an  old  and 
worn-out  book.  Young  Lincoln  was  much  dissatisfied 
with  such  parsimony,  and  afterwards  unconsciously 
following  the  example  of  an  old  Greek  poet,  wrote 
several  bits  of  doggerel  verse,  in  which  he  ridiculed  so 
forcibly  the  personal  appearance  of  Crawford,  that 
his  flat  nose  and  scowling  visage  became  a  byword 
throughout  the  whole  community. 
|  When  he  was  ten  years  old  his  mother  died  after  a 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  27 

long  and  distressing  illne$2._^)During  her  sickness  he 
cared  for  her  as  tenderly  as  a  girl,  and  often  sat  at  her 
side  and  read  the  Bible  to  her  for  hours.  The  dying 
mother  gave  him  much  loving  advice,  which  he  stored 
up  in  his  memory  as  a  precious  legacy,  and  over  which 
he  pondered  deeply.  Her  loss  must  have  been  se 
verely  felt  by  the  household  in  the  long  winter  which 
followed.  The  burden  of  the  household  duties  fell 
upon  Sarah,  who  was  hardly  yet  in  her  teens,  but 
was  developing  into  a  quiet,  useful  woman. 

There  was  no  minister  in  the  vicinity  at  the  time 
of  Mrs.  Lincoln's  death,  and  she  was  buried  in  the 
grove  near  the  house  without  ceremonies,  beyond  one 
or  two  simple  prayers  from  the  neighbors.  A  few 
months  afterwards  an  itinerant  preacher,  Elder  Elkin, 
was  invited  by  a  letter  composed  and  written  with 
laborious  care  by  young  Lincoln,  to  come  and  per 
form  the  simple  funeral  services  then  in  vogue. 

It  was  a  clear  and  beautiful  day  when  the  neigh 
bors,  to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred,  gathered 
in  the  little  grove  to  take  part  in  the  services.  The 
minister,  a  plain  and  simple  man,  was  much 
affected  by  the  circumstances  and  surroundings,  and 
spoke  with  a  rude  eloquence  that  moved  every  heart 
and  made  a  deep  impression,  especially  upon  the 
two  motherless  children.  He  spoke  tenderly  of  the 
patient  Christian  character  of  the  deceased,  and  com 
memorated  her  many  virtues  with  touching  words, 
commending  her  example  for  the  emulation  of  all. 

Mrs.  Lincoln's  life  had  been  a  dull  and  hard  one,  a 
daily  routine  of  care  and  trouble,  yet  she  had  made 
a  deep  impression  upon  the  character  of  her  son,  and 
in  after-life  his  mind  often  reverted  to  the  lonely  grave 


28  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

by  the  Ohio,  with  love  and  reverence.  Long  after 
wards,  when  the  forest  flowers  had  bloomed  above 
her  grave  for  two  score  years,  he  said  to  a  friend,  with 
tears  in  his  eyes  :  "  All  that  I  am  or  hope  to  be  I  owe 
to  my  angel  mother — blessings  on  her  memory." 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Lincoln 
returned  to  his  old  home  in  Kentucky,  and  married  a.n 
widow  lady,  who  had  been  one  of  his  youthful  sweet 
hearts.  He  represented  himself  to  be  a  well-to-do 
farmer  with  considerable  property,  and  the  new  Mrs. 
Lincoln  was  much  disappointed  at  the  state  of  affairs 
which  she  found  at  her  journey's  end.  But  like  the 
true  woman  that  she  was,  she  determined  to  make 
the  best  of  what  she  could  not  help.  She  brought 
with  her  a  large  load  of  furniture,  which  the  children 
regarded  with  amazement  Tor  nothing  so  grand  had 
ever  been  seen  in  the  neighborhood  before,  and  for 
the  first  time  in  his  life  Abe  rejoiced  in  a  warm  com 
fortable  bed.  With  Mrs.  Lincoln  came  her  own  three 
children,  but  she  showed  no  partiality  to  them,  and 
the  two  motherless  children  soon  learned  to  regard 
her  with  warm  affection.  In  speaking  of  her  stepson 
she  once  said  :  "  Abe  never  gave  me  a  cross  word  or 
look,  and  never  refused,  in  fact  or  appearance,  to  do 
all  I  requested  of  him." 

A  new  era  was  inaugurated  in  the  cheerless  cabin 
by  her  arrival.  Floors  were  laid,  a  door  was  hung, 
windows  were  fitted  into  the  open  spaces  in  the  walls, 
and  a  new  spirit  of  order  and  progress  pervaded  the 
domestic  economy.  She  not  only  strove  to  improve 
the  material  condition  of  the  household,  but  also 
determined  to  give  the  children  better  opportunities 
to  secure  at  least  the  rudiments  of  an  education. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  29 

One  of  his  early  friends  says  that  Abe  was  accus 
tomed  to  come  in  from  the  field  after  his  day's  labor, 
go  to  the  cupboard  and  snatch  a  piece  of  corn-bread 
and  sit  down,  literally  upon  his  shoulder-blades,  with 
his  feet  upon  the  mantel.  In  this  position  he  would 
remain,  absorbed  in  his  book,  until  it  became  too  dark 
to  see,  when  he  would  crouch  down  by  the  fire  and 
take  advantage  of  its  unsteady  light.  Inasmuch  as 
writing  materials  were  so  costly  as  to  be  beyond  his 
reach,  he  was  accustomed  to  write  upon  strips  of  pine- 
board  with  charred  sticks,  and  when  the  board  was 
full  would  shave  it  down  until  he  had  a  clean  surface 
again. 

It  was  early  his  ambition  to  become  a  public  speaker, 

and  he  not  only  practiced  constantly  on  his  friends 
whenever  he  could  secure  an  audience,  but  he  seized 
every  opportunity  to  listen  to  speeches.  In  those  days, 
the  courts  were  literally  circuit  courts,  the  judge  and 
lawyers  riding  on  horseback  from  one  county-seat  to 
another,  where  they  spent  a  number  of  days  or  weeks 
trying  cases.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  oratorical 
display  on  the  part  of  the  lawyers,  who  made  use  of 
much  bombastic  eloquence  in  the  trial  of  the  petty 
cases  which  came  up  before  the  Court. 

Young  Lincoln  generally  managed  to  attend  court 
regularly,  when  it  was  in  session,  and  was  deeply 
interested  in  its  proceedings.  He  would  arise  early  in 
the  morning,  "  do  the  chores,"  and  walk  to  Booneville, 
the  county-seat,  which  was  located  seventeen  miles 
away,  returning  in  season  to  do  up  the  evening's 
work.  He  once  listened  with  eager  interest  to  a 
speech  made  by  John  A.  Breckenridge,  and  was  so 
impressed  with  it  that  he  ventured  to  congratulate 


30  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  lawyer  at  the  close  of  the  session.  After  he  became 
President,  he  told  Mr.  Breckenridge  that  it  was  listen 
ing  to  his  speech  that  first  inspired  him  with  the 
determination  to  become  a  lawyer. 

When  his  parents  were  away  to  church  Sundays  he 

;used  to  take  the  Bible  and  select  a  text,  from  which 
he  would  preach  a  sermon  to  his  sister  and  other 
children  who  happened  along.  His  sermons  may  have 
been  somewhat  faulty  from  a  doctrinal  point  of  view, 
but  they  were  entertaining.  He  always  felt  a  deep 
compassion  for  any  person  or  animal  in  suffering,  and 
was  exceedingly  bitter  in  his  denunciation  of  cruelty 
to  animals.  "  One  day,  a  boy  caught  a  land-terrapin, 
brought  it  to  the  place  where  Abe  was  preaching, 
threw  it  against  the  tree  and  crushed  the  shell.  It 
quivered  all  over  and  seemed  to  be  suffering  much. 
Abe  then  made  a  really  effective  speech  against  cruelty 
to  animals,  contending  that  an  ant's  life  was  as  sweet 
to  it  as  ours  to  us." 

This  habit  of  speech-making  soon  developed  into  a 
great  nuisance,  for  it  distracted  the  attention  of  the 
men  who  were  ready  to  stop  work  at  any  time  to  hear 
him  speak.  His  speeches  were  simple  and  crude, 
contained  many  sharp  points,  and  were  illustrated 
with  numerous  stories  which  kept  his  audience  in 
roars  of  laughter.  Oftentimes  his  father  was  com 
pelled  to  interrupt  the  incipient  orator  by  the  use  of 
force,  and  he  was  dragged  from  his  rude  rostrum  and 
hustled  off  to  work  with  no  gentle  hand.  He  was  not 
discouraged  by  these  setbacks  and  difficulties,  but 
persisted  in  his  practice  until  he  became  recognized 
as  a  promising  orator. 

He  commenced  early  to  write  compositions,  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  31 

soon  gained  a  considerable  rural  repute  by  having 
several  articles  published  in  the  country  newspapers. 
One  of  his  earliest  efforts  was  an  essay  upon  "  Cruelty 
to  Animals,"  which  was  published  and  was  considered 
a  marvellous  production  by  his  friends.  He  generally 
wrote  with  a  humorous  vein,  and  frequently  directed 
his  jokes  against  the  failings  of  his  friends.  He  was 
specially  inclined  to  rhythmical  composition,  and  pos 
sessed  a  rude  talent  in  stringing  together  pointed 
couplets.  Upon  the  page  of  one  of  his  copy-books, 
among  numerous  other  poetical  effusions,  appears  the 
suggestive  couplet  : 

"  Tis  Abraham  Lincoln  holds  the  pen, 

He  will  be  good,  but  God  knows  when." 
He  wrote  several  long  poetical  productions  of  a 
satirical  character,  introducing  broad  jokes  and  "  take- 
offs  "  which  would  hardly  grace  a  printed  page.  At 
one  time  there  was  a  double  wedding  in  the  Gentry 
family,  the  leading  family  of  the  community.  He 
was  not  invited,  ard  felt  the  slight  keenly.  He  was 
possessed  of  too  combative  a  disposition  to  quietly 
put  up  with  what  he  deemed  to  be  an  insult,  and 
determined  to  avenge  himself  in  poetic  measures.  He 
wrote  a  cutting  satire,  in  which  the  members  of  the 
offending  family  figured  as  prominent  characters.  It 
was  a  bold,  audacious  thing,  and  created  a  great  deal 
of  excitement  in  the  neighborhood,  being  highly 
applauded  by  his  friends.  The  victims  of  the  joke 
were  highly  incensed,  and  one  of  the  younger  mem 
bers  of  the  family  challenged  him  to  fight.  He  accepted 
the  challenge,  and  the  fight  took  place.  Instead  of 
fighting  in  person,  however,  he  substituted  his  step 
brother  in  his  place,  who  was  badly  whipped.  Young 


32  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Lincoln  stepped  into  the  ring,  and  swinging  his  long 
arms  around  his  head,  dared  any  one  to  attack  him. 
But  his  strength  and  prowess  were  too  well  known, 
and  he  proudly  left  the  field  with  his  honor  vindi 
cated  as  the  champion  of  the  neighborhood. 

His  agility  and  strength  were  remarkable,  and  no 
one  in  the  vicinity  could  throw  him  in  a  wrestling 
match.  He  is  said  to  have  been  able  to  carry  a  load 
which  three  men  could  hardly  lift,  and  he  once  picked 
up  a  hen-house  weighing  over  six  hundred  pounds 
and  carried  it  a  considerable  distance.  At  another 
time,  seeing  a  number  of  men  preparing  sticks  upon 
which  to  lift  some  heavy  timbers,  he  shouldered  the 
timbers  and  easily  carried  them  to  their  destination. 
"He  could  strike  with  a  maul,"  says  Mr.  Wood,  "a 
heavier  blow  than  any  other  man.  He  could  sink  an 
axe  deeper  into  the  wood  than  any  other  man  I  ever 
.saw." 

He  enjoyed  being  upon  the  water,  and  more  than 
once  sought  to  obtain  employment  upon  the  river 
boats.  In  his  leisure  moments  he  built  a  small  flat- 
boat,  which  he  used  for  short  excursions  up  and  down 
the  river.  While  at  work  upon  it  one  day,  he  was 
approached  by  a  couple  of  gentlemen,  who  requested 
him  to  put  their  baggage  upon  a  steamer  which  was 
passing  down  the  river.  For  this  he  was  paid  a  dol 
lar  in  silver,  the  first  dollar  he  had  ever  earned. 
While  President,  he  related  the  story  to  Mr.  Seward 
and  remarked  :  "  I  could  scarcely  believe  my  eyes 
when  I  received  the  money.  You  may  think  it  was 
,  a  very  little  thing,  and  in  these  days  it  seems  to  me 
a  trifle,  but  it  was  the  most  important  incident  in  my 
life.  I  could  scarcely  credit  that  I,  a  poor  boy,  had 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  33 

earned  a  dollar  in  less  than  a  day — that  by  earnest 
work  I  had  earned  a  dollar.  The  world  seemed 
wider  and  fairer  before  me,  I  was  a  more  hopeful  and 
confident  being  from  that  time." 

In  March,  1828,  he  went  to  work  for  Mr.  Gentry, 
who  lived  near  by.  Shortly  afterwards,  his  employer 
fitted  out  a  scow  to  be  laden  with  corn,  bacon  and 
other  country  produce,  which  was  to  be  taken  down 
the  river,  and  disposed  of  at  the  towns  along  the  route. 
Fie  put  Abe  in  command  of  the  little  craft,  who,  in 
company  with  a  young  man  somewhat  older  than 
himself,  made  the  trip  successfully  and  conducted  the 
business  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his  employer. 
They  were  accustomed  to  drift  with  the  current  by 
day,  and  tie  up  to  the  shore  by  night.  One  night,  a 
number  of  negroes  boarded  the  craft  intent  upon 
plunder.  The  young  men  were  awakened  and 
attacked  the  intruders  so  vigorously,  that  four  of  them 
were  knocked  into  the  river  and  the  rest  took  to  flight. 
But  Lincoln,  not  content  with  a  partial  victory, 
leaped  from  the  boat  and  pursued  the  marauders,  with 
so  much  vigor  that  he  overtook  them  and  gave  them 
a  severe  thrashing.  It  was  the  first  and  last  time 
that  Lincoln  lifted  his  hands  against  any  representa 
tives  of  the  colored  race. 

It  was  his  first  trip  out  into  the  world  and  the 
broad  river,  with  its  numerous  steamers  filled  with 
passengers,  and  the  villages  and  cities  along  the 
shores,  gave  him  many  hints  of  a  broader  life  than 
any  he  was  acquainted  with,  as  well  as  much  food  for 
reflection.  It  is  probable,  that,  on  this  trip,  he  came 
into  actual  contact  with  slavery  for  the  first  time  and 
saw  something  of  the  unnatural  suffering  and  degra- 


34  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

dation  caused  by  the  iniquitous  system.  His  heart 
was  tender  and  easily  touched  by  suffering,  even 
when  inflicted  upon  the  lower  animals,  and  the  sight 
of  men  and  women  bending  beneath  the  burdens  of 
inhuman  servitude  must  have  been  abhorrent  to  him. 
It  may  not  be  too  much  to  say  that  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation  germinated  in  this  trip.  It  is  certain 
that,  from  this  time  on,  he  pondered  deeply  upon  the 
great  problems  of  American  politics  and  humanity, 
and  sought  long  and  patiently  for  their  solution. 

He  learned  much  from  the  trip  and  returned  home 
more  than  ever  eager  to  fit  himself  for  usefulness  in 
a  higher  and  wider  sphere  than  that  into  which  he 
had  been  born. 

The  venture  was  a  financial  success,  owing  to  his 
shrewd  management.  Mr.  Lamon  says  that  at  one 
place,  where  they  sold  a  quantity  of  provisions,  they 
received  in  payment  a  counterfeit  bill,  which  they  did 
not  discover  until  they  were  at  some  distance  from 
the  town.  When  his  companion  bewailed  the  loss, 
Lincoln  remarked,  by  way  of  consolation,  "  Never 
mind,  I  guess  it  will  soon  slip  out  of  our  fingers." 
And  it  did. 


CHAPTER   III. 

IN  1830,  Mr.  Lincoln  became  once  more  uneasy  and 
dissatisfied  with  his  surroundings  and  determined  to 
move  again,  influenced  in  part  by  the  unhealthful 
character  of  the  Gentryville  farm  and  locality. 
Reports  of  the  peculiar  fertility  of  the  great  State  to 
the  westward  had  been  brought  to  his  ears  and  he 
decided  to  emigrate  to  Illinois. 

This  great  commonwealth  had  been  a  member  of 
the  Union  twelve  years,  and  contained,  at  this  time, 
a  population  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  million.  The 
broad  prairies  in  the  central  and  northern  portions  of 
the  State,  now  occupied  by  prosperous  communities 
and  populous  cities,  were  then  wholly  without  inhabi 
tants.  The  immigrants  from  other  States  passed  over 
these  great  plains,  unsuspicious  of  their  marvellous 
fertility,  believing  them  to  be  only  fit  for  pasturage, 
and  settled  in  the  forests  and  oak  openings  of  the 
south  or  along  the  water-courses  near  the  borders  of 
the  State.  There  were  no  large  settlements.  Cairo, 
Alton,  Galena,  Decatur  and  a  few  other  villages,  now 
developed  into  large  and  prosperous  cities,  were  then 
struggling  to  maintain  a  bare  existence  amid  the 
adverse  influences  by  which  they  were  surrounded. 

Nature  has  been  very. kind  to  Illinois  and  has 
granted  it  munificent  gifts.  Its  broad  and  fertile 
prairies,  its  beautiful  water-courses  and  the  great  coal 

(35) 


36  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

measures  that  underlie  it,  are  treasure-houses  that 
have  developed  its  population  from  thousands  to  mil 
lions,  and  made  it  one  of  the  wealthiest  States  in  the 
Union.  There  was,  however,  but  little  to  hint  of  its 
coming  glor)r  in  1830,  although  it  attracted  immi 
grants  in  increasing  numbers  from  year  to  year. 

The  population  was  mostly  made  up  of  families 
from  the  border  States,  especially  Kentucky.  There 
were  few  people  from  the  East,  and  the  "Yankees" 
were  not  regarded  with  any  degree  of  tolerance,  being 
always  the  objects  of  suspicion  and  aversion. 

While  the  people  of  the  State  had  decided  by  a 
large  majority  not  to  permit  slavery  to  be  introduced, 
yet  their  sympathies  were  largely  with  the  institu 
tion,  sometimes  even  to  the  verge  of  persecuting  its 
outspoken  opponents,  who  lived  in  their  midst.  That 
there  was  deep  feeling  on  the  subject,  is  proven  by 
the  murder  of  Owen  Lovejoy,  some  years  later,  at 
Alton,  because  he  persisted  in  publishing  an  Aboli 
tion  paper. 

The  most  of  the  people  coming  from  Kentucky,  had 
become  familiar  with  slavery  in  its  less  deplorable 
aspects,  and,  while  they  would  not  introduce  it  into 
Illinois,  would  suffer  no  one  to  openly  stigmatize  it  as 
an  unjust  or  iniquitous  institution. 

In  the  light  of  history  it  is  easy  to  see  how  exactly 
the  circumstances  were  adapted  to  the  development 
of  the  peculiar  personality  of  Lincoln.  When  he 
entered  Illinois  he  was  a  tall,  gaunt  youth  of  twenty- 
one,  unaccustomed  to  society  and  wholly  ignorant  of 
A  the  ways  of  the  world,  yet  with  the  strong,  innate 
consciousness  that  he  was  destined  to  better  things, 
1  and  that  his  capabilities  were  greater  than  those  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  37 

the  men  with  whom  he  was  accustomed  to  associate. 
Brute  force  and  physical  prowess  were  still  in  the 
ascendant  in  this  pioneer  State.  The  men  of  intelli 
gence  and  culture  were  to  be  found  almost  entirely  in 
the  larger  settlements  and  in  the  practice  of  law. 
Lincoln  was  physically  stronger  than  his  associates, 
and  this,  with  his  great  length  of  limb,  made  him 
easily  the  champion  in  the  rough  sports  in  which  the 
young  men  were  wont  to  engage.  His  reputation 
spread  far  and  wide,  both  for  his  strength  and  his 
skill  in  wrestling.  Many  a  redoubted  champion,  who 
had  never  before  met  his  match,  came  from  a  distance 
to  dispute  for  his  laurels  with  the  new  arrival  and 
went  away  ignominiously  defeated. 

The  people  were  generally  ignorant,  few  of  them! 
being  able  to  read  or  write.  In  learning,  Lincoln  far| 
surpassed  them  all,  not  only  being  able  to  read  and 
write,  but  having  also  acquired  a  considerable  stock: 
of  general  knowledge.  Had  he  been  of  higher  birth 
than  his  associates,  this  might  have  been  an  occasion 
for  jealousy  and  ill  feeling,  but  he  was  as  poor  as 
they  and  of  even  humbler  lineage,  hence  they  were 
proud  of  his  accomplishments  and  boasted  of  his 
wonderful  knowledge,  as  if  credit  was  thereby  cast 
upon  the  whole  community. 

His  poverty  and  consequent  struggles  for  a  bare 
living  contributed  to  strengthen  his  independence  of 
character  and  honesty,  which,  in  a  less  positive  man, 
would  have  produced  cringing  servility  and  dis 
honesty. 

One  of  the  most  marked  features  of  his  career,  as  it 
was  of  the  career  of  Washington,  was  the  profound 
impression  he  made  upon  everybody  with  whom  he 


38  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

was  brought  into  close  personal  contact.  This  was, 
no  doubt,  owing  to  his  intense  and  .harmonious  per 
sonality,  and  in  part  to  the  quaint  charm  of  his  con 
versation. 

From  early  boyhood  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
embellish  his  conversation  with  numberless  stories 
and  anecdotes  of  which  he  had  an  inexhaustible  store 
and  a  skill  of  adaptation  to  the  point  in  hand  which 
has  never  been  excelled.  His  early  practice  had  given 
him  a  degree  of  proficiency  in  public  speaking  in 
which  he  made  use  of  a  rude  and  fervid  eloquence 
which  seldom  failed  to  carry  the  audience  along  in 
sympathy  with  him.  In  those  days,  when  men  would 
go  thirty  or  forty  miles  to  hear  a  lawyer's  speech  in 
court  or  a  political  discussion,  this  was  a  commanding 
gift  and  quickly  earned  a  local  reputation  for  its 
possessor. 

Thomas  Lincoln,  with  his  family,  settled  first  in 
Macon  County;  but  he  shortly  afterwards  moved  to 
the  vicinity  of  the  present  city  of  Mattoon,  in  Coles 
County.  Young  Lincoln  took  hold  with  energy  to 
help  his  father  settle  in  his  new  home.  He  chopped 
down  trees  and  split  rails  and  helped  to  fence  in  the 
whole  farm. 

He  now  told  his  father,  that,  as  he  was  of  age  and 
the  law  gave  him  his  liberty,  he  desired  to  shift  for 
himself  and  left  his  home  never  to  return  to  it  again 
except  for  a  brief  visit.  His  father,  with  his  wander 
ing  instinct  unimpaired,  continued  to  move  from  one 
place  to  another,  hardly  able  to  keep  the  wolf  from 
the  door,  until  he  died,  at  the  age  of  seventy-three, 
and  was  buried  on  the  old  homestead  near  Mat- 
toon.  Mrs,  Lincoln  outlived  her  illustrious  step- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  39 

son,  who  always  treated  her  with  tenderest  consid 
eration. 

For  a  time  he  worked  wherever  he  chanced  upon 
an  opportunity,  now  splitting  fence  rails,  and  again 
helping  to  plant,  cultivate  and  harvest  a  crop  of  corn. 
He  once  made  a  bargain  to  split  rails  for  a  woman, 
who  was  to  furnish  cloth  and  make  him  a  pair  of 
trousers  in  return  for  his  labor.  He  agreed  to  split 
three  hundred  rails  for  every  yard  of  cloth  used  in 
manufacturing  the  garments,  and  faithfully  carried 
out  his  part  of  the  bargain. 

Shortly  afterwards  a  speculator,  Offutt  by  name, 
came  into  the  neighborhood  looking  for  men  to  take 
a  flatboat  loaded  with  country  produce  to  New  Or 
leans  and  dispose  of  it.  As  young  Lincoln  had  made 
one  trip  to  New  Orleans  he  engaged  him  to  take 
charge  of  the  expedition  with  two  or  three  of  his 
friends  as  helpers. 

As  the  boat  was  not  ready  at  the  appointed  time, 
they  were  compelled  to  make  one,  a  somewhat  diffi 
cult  task,  as  the  materials  were  scarce  and  hard  to 
obtain.  But  the  ingenuity  of  Lincoln  overcame  all 
obstacles,  and  a  good  serviceable  boat  was  completed 
and  launched  in  four  weeks.  The  voyage  was  safely 
made,  although  on  the  downward  trip  the  boat  was 
stranded  on  the  dam  at  New  Salem,  a  small  place  a 
few  miles  below  Springfield,  and  nearly  lost,  but  was 
saved  together  with  its  cargo  by  the  skill  and  strength 
of  Lincoln. 

New  Salem  was  a  small  place,  and  the  arrival  and 
sad  plight  of  the  boat  caused  considerable  excite 
ment.  The  whole  population  gathered  upon  the 
banks  of  the  river  and  watched  the  operation  of  re- 


40  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

leasing  it  from  the  dam  where  it  had  stranded  and 
partially  filled  with  water.  After  all  the  efforts  of 
the  crew  had  proven  fruitless  Lincoln  rolled  up  the 
legs  of  his  trousers  and  stepped  into  the  water,  his 
length  of  limb  standing  him  in  good  stead.  By  sheer 
strength  he  lifted  the  boat  upon  the  edge  of  the  dam 
and  balanced  it;  then  borrowing  an  auger  he  bored  a 
hole  in  the  bottom  and  allowed  the  water  to  escape. 
Having  stopped  up  the  hole,  they  continued  the  jour 
ney.  This  was  Lincoln's  first  introduction  to  a  com 
munity  of  which  he  was  destined  to  become  a  promi 
nent  and  beloved  member,  while  the  people  who  had 
watched  him  were  struck  with  admiration  of  his 
strength  and  ingenuity. 

This  trip  made  a  far  deeper  impression  upon  the 
mind  of  Lincoln  than  the  former  one.  At  New  Or 
leans  he  first  came  into  actual  contact  with  the  most 
horrible  features  of  slavery.  For  the  first  time  he 
entered  the  slave-market  and  saw  human  beings  put 
up  at  auction  and  sold  like  cattle.  He  saw  families 
separated  and  the  hopeless  sorrow  of  father  and 
mother  as  the  children  were  torn  from  their  arms  to 
be  led  away  into  a  servitude  which  was  worse  than 
death.  He  saw  the  whipping-post  with  all  its  attend 
ant  horrors,  and  heard  the  stinging  blows  of  the  lash 
and  the  groans  of  the  poor  victims. 

He  said  to  one  of  his  companions  as  they  turned 
away  from  these  terrible  scenes,  "  If  I  ever  get  a 
chance  to  hit  that  institution,  I  will  hit  it  hard,  John  !" 
His  companions  remarked  of  him  that  "  his  heart 
bled,  he  was  mad,  thoughtful,  abstracted,  sad  and 
depressed." 

He  did  not  at  once  become  an  Abolitionist.  Indeed, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  41 

it  is  doubtful  if  he  was  ever  an  Abolitionist  in  the 
strict  meaning  of  the  term.  His  was  not  a  nature  to 
leap  hastily  to  a  conclusion.  It  was  only  after  long 
thought  and  observation  that  his  opinions  attained 
the  strength  of  convictions,  but  once  formed,  it  was 
almost  impossible  to  shake  him  from  them.  So  now 
he  observed  all  these  things  and  meditated  upon 
them,  but  it  was  many  years  before  he  became  iden 
tified  with  an  anti-slavery  movement  of  any  kind. 

There  is  a  tradition  that  on  this  trip  to  New  Or 
leans,  in  company  with  John  Hanks,  he  visited  a 
voodoo  fortune-teller,  and  that  during  the  interview 
"she  became  much  excited  and  after  various  other 
predictions  said:  '  You  will  be  President,  and  all  the 
negroes  will  be  free.'  "  The  truth  of  this  tradition 
cannot  be  established. 

If  God,  in  times  of  old,  appeared  to  Moses  and 
foretold  the  great  responsibility,  about  to  devolve 
upon  him,  of  leading  the  Children  of  Israel  out  from 
the  land  of  bondage  into  freedom,  might  not  the  veil 
of  the  future  have  been  raised  a  little  from  before 
the  eyes  of  this  modern  Moses  in  order  that  he  might 
obtain  a  glimpse  of  the  greet  deeds  which  he  was 
destined  to  perform  ?  However  this  may  be,  he  could 
never  again  look  upon  slavery  as  a  dim  shadow  which 
lay  upon  a  section  of  this  sunny  land,  but  it  must 
henceforth  be  a  grim  and  horrid  reality  which  should 
oppress  his  spirits  and  excite  his  hatred  and  appre 
hension. 

Upon  his  return  to  Illinois  his  employer  was  so  im 
pressed  with  his  ability  and  faithfulness  that  he  deter 
mined  to  retain  his  services.  He  had  recently  opened 
a  store  and  a  flouring  mill,  at  the  little  settlement  of 


42  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

New  Salem,  about  twenty  miles  from  Springfield.  He 
offered  Lincoln  the  position  of  clerk,  which  was 
accepted  as  the  best  opening  that  presented  itself. 

Mr.  Offutt  was  very  proud  of  the  strength  and 
learning  of  his  clerk,  and  frequently  boasted  of  them. 
There  were  at  that  time,  living  in  the  adjoining  settle 
ment  of  Clary's  Grove,  a  number  of  rude,  quarrel 
some  boys,  who  had  made  themselves  the  terror  of 
their  neighbors  by  their  wild  and  lawless  deeds.  The 
boasts  of  Mr.  Offutt  came  to  their  ears,  and  they 
determined  to  "take  the  impudence"  out  of  the 
young  clerk.  One  day  they  went  to  New  Salem  with 
this  intent,  and  finally  succeeded  in  provoking  Lin 
coln  to  enter  into  a  wrestling  match  with  Jack  Arm 
strong,  their  leader,  who  was  as  strong  as  an  ox  and 
the  champion  wrestler  of  the  neighborhood.  After 
struggling  a  few  moments,  Lincoln  seized  him  with 
both  hands,  and,  holding  him  at  arm's-length,  shook 
him  like  a  child.  Upon  this  the  Clary's  Grove  boys 
rushed  forward  to  the  assistance  of  their  leader,  when 
Lincoln  backed  up  against  the  side  of  the  store  and 
coolly  awaited  their  onset.  Armstrong,  however, 
was  thoroughly  subdued  and  shouted  to  his  followers 
to  stop,  saying:  "Boys,  Abe  Lincoln  is  the  best  man 
that  ever  broke  into  this  settlement.  He  shall  be  one 
of  us."  After  this  Lincoln  had  no  stauncher  friends 
than  these  rough  men,  who  never  lost  an  opportunity 
to  praise  or  to  vote  for  him. 

Although  he  was  now  recognized  as  the  champion 
of  the  whole  region,  he  seldom  exhibited  his  great 
strength  except  in  the  role  of  peacemaker.  At  one 
time,  while  he  was  waiting  upon  some  ladies  in  the 
store,  a  drunken  rowdy  came  in  and  began  to  indulge 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  43 

in  abusive  language.  Lincoln  politely  requested  him 
not  to  use  such  language  in  the  presence  of  ladies, 
but  he  became  very  "angry  and  dared  Lincoln  to  come 
out  and  fight,  declaring  that  he  had  been  waiting  for 
a  good  opportunity  to  whip  him.  After  the  ladies 
had  gone,  Lincoln  went  out  with  him  into  the  street, 
where  he  easily  threw  him  to  the  ground,  and  picking 
up  a  handful  of  smartweed,  he  rubbed  it  vigorously 
into  the  face  and  eyes  of  the  discomfited  rowdy  until 
he  fairly  howled  for  mercy.  Then  Lincoln  assisted 
him  to  rise  and  brought  him  some  water  with  which 
to  wash  his  face.  He  never  received  a  challenge  to 
fight  from  the  same  source  again. 

It  was  here  at  New  Salem  that  he  acquired  the 
sobriquet  of  "  Honest  Abe,"  which  clung  to  him 
through  life.  The  honesty  of  his  dealings  is  well 
illustrated  by  a  single  event.  "  One  night,  in  count 
ing  the  receipts  of  the  day,  he  found  his  cash  on  hand 
to  be  seven  cents  in  excess  of  his  sales.  He  con 
cluded  that  he  had  made  an  error  of  that  amount  in 
returning  change  to  one  of  his  customers,  a  poor 
woman,  who  lived  six  or  seven  miles  a\vay.  He  im 
mediately  closed  the  store  and  walked  the  whole  dis 
tance  to  restore  the  money  to  her. 

He  seized  every  opportunity  to  increase  his  store  of 
knowledge,  and  spent  hours  daily  in  study,  often  to 
the  detriment  of  his  work.  When  there  was  too  much 
noise  in  the  store  he  would  go  out  into  the  woods  and 
stretch  his  ungainly  limbs  in  the  shadow  of  a  tree 
upon  the  ground,  and  become  so  absorbed  in  his  book 
as  to  be  lost  to  all  around. 

He  once  heard  some  one  speak  of  the  science  of 
grammar,  and  immediately  determined  to  penetrate 


44  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

its  mysteries.  After  diligent  inquiries  he  found  and 
borrowed  a  book  on  the  subject  from  a  family  living 
several  miles  away.  It  took  him  but  a  short  time  to 
master  the  subject.  This  was  considered  a  great 
achievement  by  his  friends  of  New  Salem  and  was 
made  the  subject  of  many  boasts 

From  this  time  on  his  life  increases  in  interest. 
Hitherto  he  had  done  but  little  more  than  any  active, 
ambitious  boy  could  hope  to  accomplish,  but  now  his 
great  native  ability  began  to  develop  under  the 
spur  of  his  fixed  determination  to  make  something  of 
himself. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

IN  the  spring  of  1832  Mr.  Offutt  failed  in  business, 
and  Lincoln  found  himself  without  employment. 
Almost  at  the  same  time  the  Blackhawk  war  broke 
out.  The  State  issued  a  call  for  volunteers  and  he 
was  one  of  the  first  to  respond. 

Blackhawk  was  a  chief  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sacs,  who 
had  been  removed  by  the  Government  from  their  for 
mer  home  in  north-western  Illinois  to  a  reservation 
west  of  the  Mississippi.  This  Indian  chief  was  a 
princely  man  and  showed  an  independence  and  nobil 
ity  of  character,  which  belonged  to  few  of  the  aborig 
ines.  Believing  that  his  people  had  been  unjustly 
deprived  of  their  lands,  he  formed  the  determination 
to  return  and,  if  possible,  regain  possession  of  them. 
He  formed  an  alliance  between  nine  of  the  most 
powerful  tribes  of  the  north-west  and  invaded  Illinois. 
For  a  time  the  movement  seemed  to  threaten  a  seri 
ous  danger  to  the  people  of  the  Rock  River  valley. 
But  the  call  of  the  Governor  was  quickly  responded 
to,  and  several  regiments  were  soon  in  the  field.  After 
much  marching  and  counter-marching,  with  many 
alarms  and  but  little  bloodshed,  the  enemy  was  driven 
from  the  State. 

A  company  was  formed  in  New  Salem  and  vicinity 
of  which    Lincoln  was    elected    captain.     Although- 
the  troops  were  called  out  in  the  State  service,  each 

(45) 


46  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

company  was  permitted  to  select  its  own  officers. 
In  the  New  Salem  company  there  were  two  candi 
dates  for  the  honor,  William  Kirkpatrick  and  Lincoln. 
According  to  the  custom,  when  the  time  for  electing 
officers  had  arrived,  the  two  would-be  captains  took 
their  stations  at  some  distance  from  each  other  and 
the  men  ranged  themselves  about  the  object  of  their 
choice.  Lincoln's  popularity  was  so  great  that  he 
was  elected  by  a  vote  of  two  to  one. 

In  speaking  of  this  event,  many  years  afterwards, 
when  the  highest  honors  within  the  gift  of  the  nation 
had  been  conferred  upon  him,  he  said,  that  he  had 
never  been  more  gratified  in  his  life  than  by  this,  the 
first  proof  of  public  esteem  he  had  ever  received.  It 
was  the  expression  of  the  high  regard  in  which  he  was 
held  by  all  with  whom  he  came  into  daily  contact. 

The  war  offered  no  opportunities  to  win  renown  or 
perform  glorious  achievements.  There  were  no  bat 
tles  worthy  of  the  name  and  comparatively  few  hard 
ships  to  be  endured.  There  were  several  long 
marches  and  the  troops  suffered  somewhat  from 
scarcity  of  provisions. 

One  day  there  came  into  the  camp  an  old  Indian, 
weary  and  hungry.  Although  he  had  a  safe  conduct 
from  Gen.  Cass,  the  men,  who  had  become  terribly 
incensed  against  all  of  his  race,  declared  the  letter  to 
be  a  forgery  and  denounced  him  as  a  spy.  They 
rushed  furiously  upon  him,  intending  to  put  him  to 
death,  when  Lincoln  suddenly  stepped  between  them 
and  their  intended  victim.  In  an  imperative  tone  of 
voice  he  ordered  them  back  and  told  them  that  they 
should  not  kill  the  defenseless  Indian.  He  was 
thoroughly  aroused  and  his  determined  mien  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  47 

commanding  tones  cowed  them  and  compelled  them 
suddenly  to  relinquish  their  purpose.  At  length,  one 
of  the  men  shouted  from  the  crowd  : 

"  Lincoln,  this  is  cowardly  of  you."  Lincoln 
looked  towards  him  in  supreme  contempt  and  said  : 

"  If  any  man  thinks  I  am  a  coward  let  him  test  me." 

"  You  are  larger  and  braver  than  any  of  us,"  was 
the  reply. 

"That  you  can  guard  against,"  said  he  ;"  choose 
your  weapons." 

But  nothing  more  was  said,  and  the  men  slowly  dis 
persed.  Such  an  occurrence  could  only  be  rendered 
possible  by  the  loose  discipline  which  necessarily  pre 
vailed  among  the  volunteer  troops.  Had  he 
attempted  to  arrest  the  insolent  man,  in  all  proba 
bility  a  mutiny  would  have  resulted. 

He  afterwards  was  wont  to  relate,  in  his  inimitable 
way,  a  less  tragic  incident  which  happened  in  this 
expedition.  He  was  marching  at  the  head  of  his  com 
pany  through  a  field,  when  he  came  to  a  gate  through 
which  it  was  necessary  to  pass. 

"I  could  not  for  the  life  of  me,"  said  he,  "  remem 
ber  the  proper  word  of  command  to  get  my  company 
through  that  gate  endwise  ;  so,  as  we  came  near  the 
place,  I  shouted,  *  Halt !  This  company  is  dis 
missed  for  two  minutes,  when  it  will  form  on  the 
other  side  of  the  gate.'  "  The  evolution  was  success 
fully  performed,  and  the  company  marched  on. 

Lincoln  was  mustered  into  the  service  by  Lieut. 
Robert  Anderson,  who  afterwards  directed  the  defense 
of  Fort  Sumter. 

After  the  evacuation  of  that  ill-fated  fortress  Ander 
son  called  upon  the  President,  and  in  the  course  of 


48  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

conversation    Mr.    Lincoln    asked  :    "  Major,  do  you 
remember  ever  meeting  me  before  ?" 

"  No,  Mr.  President,  I  have  no  recollection  of  ever 
having  had  the  honor  before." 

"  My  memory  is  better  than  yours,"  said  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  "  You  mustered  me  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  in  1832,  at  Dixon's  Ferry  in  the  Black- 
hawk  war." 

•  Many  of  the  men,  with  whom  he  was  associated  in 
early  life,  gained  a  national  reputation,  and  some  of 
them  became  his  most  trusted  and  efficient  helpers 
in  his  subsequent  career. 

Lincoln  was  at  this  time  in  a  painful  position.  He 
had  no  home  and  no  regular  occupation.  His  char 
acter  was  undeveloped,  and  his  natural  powers 
untrained.  The  difficulties  that  beset  him,  would,  to 
another  man,  or  in  another  age  of  the  world,  have 
been  insurmountable.  He  had  no  money,  and  his 
clothes  were  of  the  poorest  material  :  so  coarse  and 
ill-fitting  that  they  exaggerated  the  natural  ungairili- 
ness  of  his  form. 

On  his  return  trip,  after  being  discharged  from 
military  duty,  he  was  observed  to  be  anxious  and 
worried  about  his  future  prospects,  and,  while  his 
comrades  were  light-hearted  and  happy,  he  was  often 
sad  and  gloomy.  His  determination  to  make  some 
thing  of  himself,  however,  had  been  strengthened  by 
his  association  with  older  and  more  cultured  men, 
and  from  that  time  he  devoted  himself  more  earnestly 
than  ever  to  his  studies. 

As  was  the  custom  for  any  one,  who  desired  a  pub 
lic  office,  he  had  announced  himself  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Legislature  previous  to  his  departure  from 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  49 

New  Salem,  and  had  made  a  declaration  of  his  prin 
ciples  in  the  county  paper.  Ever  since  he  had  been 
old  enough  to  entertain  a  decided  opinion  upon  a 
political  question,  he  had  been  a  Whig  and  an  ardent 
admirer  of  Henry  Clay.  But  in  local  elections, 
national  politics  were  scarcely  considered.  In  Sanga- 
mon  County,  the  great  local  issue  pertained  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Sangamon  River,  and  the  candidate 
who  entertained  the  most  radical  views  and  who 
could  sustain  them  by  the  most  telling  speech,  was 
the  favorite. 

The  schemes,  originated  and  championed  by  the 
aspirants  for  office,  were  visionary  and  impracticable 
and  were  urged  more  to  obtain  political  support  than 
with  the  belief  that  they  would  ever  be  carried  into 
operation.  The  river  was  shallow,  winding  and  full 
of  obstructions,  and  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from 
making  it  navigable  was  not  at  all  commensurate 
with  the  immense  expense  that  must  have  been 
incurred. 

Lincoln  was  an  enthusiastic  advocate  of  this  and 
other  similar  public  improvements.  He  was,  no  doubt, 
honest  in  the  position  he  had  taken,  but  was  carried 
away  by  the  popular  delusion,  the  fallacy  of  which  his 
judgment  was  not  sufficiently  developed  to  detect. 

His  first  political  speech  was  made  during  this  cam 
paign  and  was  as  follows  : 

"Gentlemen  and  Fellow-citizens,  I  presume  you  all 
know  who  I  am.  I  am  humble  Abraham  Lincoln. 
I  have  been  solicited  by  my  friends  to  become  a  can 
didate  for  the  Legislature.  My  politics  are  short  and 
sweet,  like  the  old  woman's  dance.  I  am  in  favor  of 
a  national  bank,  I  am  in  favor  of  the  internal-im- 


50  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

provement  system  and  a  high  protective  tariff. 
These  are  my  sentiments  and  political  principles.  If 
elected,  I  shall  be  thankful :  if  not,  it  will  be  all  the 
same." 

Only  ten  days  remained  before  the  election,  and  it 
was  impossible  to  make  a  thorough  canvas  ;  hence 
being  but  little  known,  he  was  defeated. 

After  the  election  he  was  induced  to  buy  a  small 
store  in  New  Salem  in  company  with  one  Berry,  a 
worthless  fellow,  in  payment  for  which  he  gave  his 
personal  note.  They  afterwards  purchased  the  stock 
of  another  store,  thus  adding  to  their  liabilities  with 
out  materially  increasing  the  extent  and  profit  of 
their  business. 

It  would  have  been  hard  to  find  two  men  more 
totally  unfitted  to  carry  on  such  a  business  success 
fully.  To  Lincoln  it  was  but  a  temporary  expedient 
to  furnish  the  means  of  subsistence  while  pursuing 
his  studies,  while  his  partner  was  drunken  and  dis 
reputable.  As  might  have  been  expected,  from  the 
carelessness  and  inefficiency  of  both,  the  enterprise 
failed  and  Lincoln  was  left  with  a  heavy  debt,  which 
seemed  to  him  so  large  and  hopeless  a  burden  that 
he  often  spoke  of  it  as  the  national  debt.  His  reputa 
tion  for  honesty  did  not  fail  him  even  then,  and  he 
applied  himself  to  the  payment  of  the  debt,  which 
was  not  fully  paid  for  sixteen  years,  when  he  sent  a 
part  of  his  Congressional  salary  from  Washington  to 
Mr.  Herndon  to  discharge  the  last  obligation. 

In  1832,  he  bought  an  old  volume  of  Blackstone  at 
an  auction  in  Springfield,  and  immediately  com 
menced  to  master  it.  The  determination  he  had 
formed  to  enter  upon  the  study  of  the  law  was  not 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  51 

hasty  nor  ill-considered.  From  the  time  when  he 
was  accustomed  to  walk  fifteen  miles  in  order  to 
attend  court  and  listen  to  the  speeches,  he  seems  to 
have  had  an  earnest  desire  to  become  a  lawyer.  As 
he  grew  older  and  not  only  listened  to  speeches  but 
began  himself  to  gain  a  reputation  as  an  orator,  and 
as  he  became  more  acquainted  with  the  world  and 
recognized  the  many  opportunities  for  acquiring 
wealth  and  distinction  which  a  legal  career  offered, 
the  desire  was  changed  to  a  fixed  determination  to 
overcome  every  difficulty  and  fit  himself  for  the  Bar. 

After  mastering  Blackstone,  he  began  the  system 
atic  study  of  law,  borrowing  books  from  a  legal  friend 
in  Springfield,  whose  acquaintance  he  had  made 
during  his  brief  military  career.  To  obtain  the 
books  he  was  compelled  to  walk  to  Springfield,  a 
distance  of  fourteen  miles.  He  was  accustomed  to 
stride  along,  book  in  hand,  unmindful  of  all  about 
him.  He  was  frequently  seen  at  the  store  lying  flat 
upon  his  back  on  the  counter,  absorbed  in  his  studies. 
At  night  he  went  to  the  village  carpenter's  shop,  and 
having  built  a  fire  of  shavings  would  read  by  its  light 
as  long  as  the  fuel  lasted. 

A  friend  speaks  of  having  found  him  at  his  board 
ing-house,  one  day,  stretched  out  at  full  length  upon 
the  bed,  poring  over  a  book  and  rocking  the  cradle  of 
his  landlady's  baby  with  one  foot. 

He  soon  obtained  an  old  book  of  forms  and  began 
to  draw  up  contracts,  deeds,  mortgages  and  other 
legal  documents  for  his  friends  and  neighbors,  who 
were  filled  with  wonder  at  the  great  learning  dis>- 
played  by  their  favorite. 

In  io33;hewas  appointed  postmaster  of  New  Salem 


52  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

— a  position  which  was  neither  arduous  nor  lucrative. 
There  was  but  one  mail  a  week,  and  this  was  so  small 
that  he  generally  carried  it  in  his  hat,  and  when  a 
letter  was  called  for  he  would  take  off  his  battered 
tile  and  search  for  it  in  the  depths.  The  pay  was 
small,  but  his  chief  compensation  lay  in  the  fact  that 
he  now  had  the  privilege  of  reading  all  the  papers 
that  came  into  the  neighborhood  before  he  turned 
them  over  to  their  owners,  and  he  availed  himself 
fully  of  the  privilege.  After  a  time  the  office  was 
discontinued,  and  for  some  reason  the  balance  of 
about  seventeen  dollars  was  not  called  for  until  sev 
eral  years  after  Lincoln  had  moved  to  Springfield, 
during  which  time  he  had  often  been  in  want,  with 
out  suitable  clothes  and  scarcely  able  to  obtain  the 
necessities  of  life;  yet  when  the  United  States  Inspec 
tor  called  upon  him,  unexpectedly,  for  the  money  he 
went  to  his  trunk,  and  taking  out  an  old  stocking 
poured  its  contents  on  the  table.  It  contained  the 
exact  sum  in  the  identical  coppers  and  silver  pieces 
which  he  had  received. 

It  is  a  somewhat  remarkable  fact  that  America's 
two  greatest  heroes  gained  a  livelihood  in  their  youth 
by  surveying,  and  that  they  were  both  masters  of  the 
art.  Both  surveyed  many  large  and  valuable  tracts 
of  land,  the  boundaries  of  which  were  in  dispute,  and 
the  results  attained  by  each  were  regarded  as  final. 

Washington  took  advantage  of  the  opportunities 
thus  afforded  to  buy  valuable  tracts  of  land,  and  thus 
laid  the  foundation  of  a  great  fortune  and  an  immense 
landed  estate.  Lincoln  never  speculated  in  land, 
although  he  had  the  best  of  opportunities,  or  he,  too, 
might  have  become  a  wealthy  man. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  53 

His  friends  secured  him  the  appointment  as 
deputy-surveyor  from  John  Calhoun,  the  county-sur 
veyor.  This  position  was  one  of  great  responsibility 
and  importance.  Settlers  were  constantly  moving  in 
and  acquiring  titles  in  land,  and  speculators  were  buy 
ing  and  selling  large  tracts.  Town  sites  were  being 
marked  out  and  subdivided,  so  that  very  much 
depended  upon  the  accuracy  with  which  the  boundary 
lines  were  established. 

Lincoln  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the  science  of  sur 
veying,  but  with  characteristic  energy  procured  a  trea 
tise  upon  the  subject  and  commenced  to  master  it. 
He  succeeded  so  well  that  in  a  short  time  he  was  put 
to  work. 

Through  the  kindness  of  his  friends  he  secured  a 
horse  and  a  set  of  surveying  instruments,  and  trav 
ersed  the  country  from  one  end  to  the  other,  laying 
out  claims,  determining  boundary-lines,  and  locating 
roads. 

An  incident  is  related  which  illustrates  the  fidelity 
with  which  he  performed  his  tasks.  Two  gentlemen 
had  a  dispute  in  regard  to  the  location  of  a  corner, 
the  stake  which  marked  it  had  apparently  been 
lost.  They  agreed  to  leave  the  decision  to  Lincoln, 
who  carefully  made  a  survey  and  located  the  corner. 
So  accurate  were  his  calculations  that,  upon  digging 
down  a  few  inches,  the  old  corner  stake  was  found 
buried  in  the  ground. 

For  a  time  he  prospered  financially.  His  salary 
from  the  Post-office  and  his  pay  as  surveyor  made 
"  good  sailing,"  as  he  put  it.  But  one  of  his  creditors 
unexpectedly  sued  him  and  obtained  judgment,  to 
satisfy  which  his  horse  and  surveying  instruments 


54  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

were  levied  on  and  sold,  but  were  bought  back  and 
restored  to  him  by  a  friend.  He  had  a  faculty  of 
making  loyal  friends,  who  were  always  ready  to 
extend  a  helping  hand.  There  was  something  whole 
some  about  this  awkward,  ungainly  young  man  which 
attracted  and  attached  to  him  those  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact.  His  manifest  unselfishness  and  his 
readiness  always  to  help  another  in  every  possible 
way  brought  him  many  true  friends.  Every  effort 
made  in  his  behalf  was  warmly  appreciated,  and  was 
certain  to  bear  fruit,  for  there  was  evidently  no  mean 
future  before  him. 

At  the  next  election  he  was  again  a  candidate  for 
the  Legislature  and  this  time  was  triumphantly  elec 
ted.  During  his  first  candidacy  he  had  issued  a 
manifesto  in  which  he  fully  outlined  his  political  views. 
The  closing  sentences  of  this  paper  exhibit  a  modesty 
and  deference  to  public  opinion  which  is  not  com 
monly  expected  in  such  compositions.  He  said  : 

"  Upon  the  subjects  of  which  I  have  treated,  I  have 
spoken  as  I  thought.  I  may  be  wrong  in  regard  to 
any  or  all  of  them  ;  but,  holding  it  a  sound  maxim 
that  it  is  better  only  sometimes  to  be  right  than  at  all 
times  wrong,  so  soon  as  I  discover  my  opinions  to  be 
erroneous,  I  shall  be  ready  to  renounce  them.  .  .  . 
Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition. 
Whether  it  be  true  or  not  I  can  say,  for  one,  that  I 
have  no  other  so  great  as  that  of  being  truly  esteemed 
of  my  fellow-men  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of  their 
esteem.  How  far  I  shall  succeed  in  gratifying  this 
ambition  is  yet  to  be  developed.  .  .  .  I  was  born, 
and  have  ever  remained,  in  the  most  humble  walks  of 
life.  I  have  no  wealthy  or  powerful  relations  or 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  55 

friends  to  recommend  me.  My  case  is  thrown  exclu 
sively  upon  the  independent  voters  of  the  county  ; 
and,  if  elected,  they  will  have  conferred  a  favor  upon 
me,  for  which  I  shall  be  unremitting  in  my  efforts  to 
compensate.  But  if  the  good  people,  in  their  wis 
dom,  shall  see  fit  to  keep  me  in  the  background,  I 
have  been  too  familiar  with  disappointments  to  be 
very  much  chagrined." 

He  entered  vigorously  into  the  campaign,  going  all 
over  the  district,  making  speeches  and  mingling  with 
the  people.  He  hud  several  advantages  over  his  com 
petitors — he  was  poor  and  a  workingman,  and  he  met 
the  country  people  upon  their  own  level,  causing 
them  to  see  that  he  was  heartily  in  sympathy  with 
them.  Yet,  by  his  evident  abilities  and  superior 
attainments,  he  excited  their  respect  and  caused  them 
to  feel  pride  in  him  as  one  in  whom  they  had  a  spe 
cial  interest. 

His  methods  of  speaking  were  well  adapted  to  the 
people  whom  he  addressed.  His  speeches  were,  as 
usual,  enlivened  by  stories  and  anecdotes,  which  were 
irresistibly  funny,  yet  always  illustrated  a  point,  and 
often  proved  more  convincing  than  a  long  and 
labored  argument.  His  audience  was  kept  in  good 
humor  and  expectant.  It  is  said  that  he  often 
descended  to  personalities,  and  even  to  the  verge  of 
vulgarity,  and  his  stories  were  sometimes  broad  and 
partook  too  much  of  the  corner-grocery  style.  Yet 
this  was  not  so  much  his  fault  as  that  of  the  locality 
and  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed. 

At  one  time  during  the  campaign  he  visited  the 
house  of  Rowan  Herndon,  who  had  a  number  of  men 
cradling  grain  in  a  neighboring  field.  He  asked  per- 


56  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

mission  to  speak  a  few  words  to  them,  when  one  of 
them  remarked  that  they  would  vote  for  no  man 
whom  they  could  cut  out  of  his  swath. 

"Well  boys,"  said  he,  "  I  guess  you  will  all  vote  for 
me  then."  And,  seizing  a  cradle,  he  easily  led  them 
all  around  the  field. 

After  his  election  he  found  it  necessary  to  borrow 
two  hundred  dollars,  with  which  to  buy  clothes  and 
to  pay  his  expenses  during  the  legislative  term. 

The  capital  of  Illinois  was  then  located  at  Vanda- 
lia  in  the  south-central  portion  of  the  State  During 
the  session  many  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  State 
took  up  their  residence  there,  either  as  members,  or 
because  they  were  interested  in  the  various  measures 
to  be  considered. 

Lincoln  eagerly  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  meet  the  men  of  whom  he  had  so  often  heard  and 
read.  In  the  active  work  of  the  Legislature  he  took 
but  little  part,  watching  closely  all  the  details,  and  so 
familiarizing  himself  with  men  and  measures  as  to  be 
fitted  in  coming  sessions  to  act  as  leader  of  his  party, 
which  was  in  the  minority.  He  is  spoken  of  as 
modest,  reserved  and  observant,  always  in  his  seat, 
and  making  many  friends. 

Upon  his  return  to  New  Salem  he  resumed  his 
duties  as  deputy-surveyor,  having  been  reappointed  - 
by  Thomas  M.  Neal,  the  new  incumbent.  He  still 
applied  himself  as  closely  to  his  studies  as  the  duties 
of  the  office  permitted  and  slowly,  but  surely,  per 
fected  his  preparation  for  the  profession  which  he 
had  chosen. 

While  here  in  New  Salem  he  became  deeply  at 
tached  to  a  beautiful  girl,  named  Anne  Rutledge. — 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  57 

She  is  described  as  being  exceedingly  attractive,  both 
in  appearance  and  character.  Lincoln's  love  for  her 
was  deep  and  lasting,  and  she  finally  yielded  to  his 
suit,  though  never  fully  reciprocating  his  passion. 

Not  long  after  their  engagement  she  was  taken  ill, 
and  died  after  a  short  sickness.  For  a  time,  Lincoln 
seemed  like  one  demented,  and  his  friends  feared,  and 
apparently  with  good  reason,  that  he  would  become 
insane  and  take  his  own  life.  But  after  his  violent 
grief  subsided  he  returned  to  his  labors,  though  the 
blow  had  left  a  lasting  impression  upon  him.  His  life 
was  saddened,  and  the  gloom  induced  by  this  bereave 
ment  never  departed.  Like  a  minor  chord,  it  ran 
through  all  the  harmony  of  his  life,  and  at  times 
became  dominant. 


CHAPTER  V. 

IN  1836  he  was  again  a  candidate  for  the  Legisla-. 
ture.  He  had  now  become  well  known  through  the 
district,  and  had  secured  the  good-will  and  confidence 
of  his  constituents.  In  the  last  session  the  Legisla 
ture,  in  a  reapportionment  bill,  had  increased  the 
delegation  from  Sangamon  County  to  seven  Repre 
sentatives  and  two  Senators. 

The  days  of  convention  rule  had  not  then  come. 
If  a  man  was  desirous  of  becoming  a  candidate  for 
any  local  position,  he  issued  handbills,  boldly  defining 
his  views,  and  suing  for  the  support  of  the  people.  In 
accordance  with  this  custom  Lincoln  issued  the  fol 
lowing  circular,  which  was  printed  in  the  county 
paper  and  scattered  broadcast  : 

"  NEW  SALEM,  June  13,  1836. 
"To  the  Editor  of  the  Journal: 

"  In  your  paper  of  last  Saturday  I  see  a  communication  over 
the  signature  of  '  Many  Voters/  in  which  the  candidates  who 
are  announced  in  the  Journal  are  called  upon  to  '  show  their 
hands.'  Agreed.  Here  is  mine.  I  go  for  all,  sharing  the 
privileges  of  the  Government,  \vho  assist  in  bearing  its  burdens  ; 
consequently  I  go  for  admitting  all  whites  to  the  right  of  suf 
frage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms  (by  no  means  excluding 
females).  If  elected  I  shall  consider  the  whole  people  of  the 
Sangamon  district  my  constituents,  as  well  those  that  oppose 
as  those  that  support  me.  While  acting  as  their  representa 
tive  I  shall  be  governed  by  their  will  on  all  subjects  upon  which 

(58) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  59 

I  have  the  means  of  knowing  what  their  will  is,  and  upon  all 
others  I  shall  do  what  my  own  judgment  teaches  me  will  best 
advance  their  interests.  Whether  elected  or  not,  I  go  for  dis 
tributing  the  proceeds  of  sales  of  public  lands  to  the  several 
States,  to  enable  our  State,  in  common  with  others,  to  dig 
canals  and  construct  railroads,  without  borrowing  money  and 
paying  the  interest  on  it.  If  alive  on  the  first  Monday  in  No 
vember,  I  shall  vote  for  Hugh  L.  White  for  President. 
"  Very  respectfully, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

The  whole  manifesto,  so  remarkable  for  its  bold 
ness  and  independence,  was  characteristic  of  the 
times.  His  radical  utterances  upon  the  question  of 
suffrage  derive  added  significance  from  the  fact  that, 
through  his  instrumentality,  the  right  of  suffrage 
was  afterwards  extended  to  four  millions  of  people 
who  were  at  this  time  in  bondage. 

The  canvass  upon  which  he  now  entered  was  more 
than  usually  exciting.  There  were  numerous  candi 
dates,  many  of  whom  were  men  of  well-known  ability 
and  address.  Political  meetings  were  held  in  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  county,  which  were  attended  by  great 
crowds  of  people,  who  assembled  to  hear  debates  or 
discussions  by  the  rival  candidates.  Although  ap 
pearing  upon  the  platform  with,  and  in  opposition  to, 
many  old  and  skilled  orators,  Lincoln  was  nowhere 
worsted.  His  opponents  soon  learned  that  they  could 
not  attack  him  with  impunity,  and  that  in  an  argu 
ment  he  was  the  equal  of  the  most  adroit  debater. 

Among  the  Democrats  who  were  stumping  the 
county  was  one  Dick  Taylor,  a  pompous  and  self- 
conceited  fellow,  who  dressed  in  a  most  gaudy  man 
ner,  with  ruffled  shirts,  embroidered  vests  and  a  large 


60  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

amount  of  flashy  jewelry.  Notwithstanding  this  he 
made  great  pretensions  of  being  one  of  the  yeomanry, 
the  oppressed  lower  class,  and  ridiculed  the  "  Rag- 
Barons"  and  "  Manufacturing  Lords"  of  the  Whig 
party. 

One  day  he  was  indulging  in  an  unusually  pro 
longed  tirade  against  the  Whigs,  and  accusing  the 
opposing  candidates  of  being  the  representatives  of 
the  aristocracy.  Lincoln  went  up  behind  him,  and 
suddenly  threw  his  coat  open,  disclosing  a  bewilder 
ing  display  of  ruffles  and  velvet  and  jewels.  The 
crowd  shouted  with  delight  and  Lincoln  said  : 

"  While  he  (Col.  Taylor)  was  making  these  charges 
against  the  Whigs  over  the  country,  riding  in  car 
riages,  wearing  ruffled  shirts,  kid  gloves,  massive 
gold  watch-chains  and  flourishing  a  heavy  gold- 
headed  cane,  I  was  a  poor  boy  hired  on  a  flat-boat  at 
eight  dollars  a  month,  and  had  only  one  pair  of 
breeches  to  my  name,  and  they  were  buckskin — and 
if  you  know  the  nature  of  buckskin,  when  wet  and 
dried  by  the  sun  it  will  shrink — and  mine  kept 
shrinking  until  they  left  several  inches  of  my  legs 
bare  between  the  tops  of  my  socks  and  the  lower  part 
of  my  breeches  ;  and  while  I  was  growing  taller, 
they  were  becoming  shorter,  and  so  much  tighter 
that  they  left  a  blue  streak  around  my  legs  that  can 
be  seen  to  this  day.  If  you  call  this  aristocracy,  I 
plead  guilty  to  the  charge."  1 

As  the  campaign  was  drawing  to  a  close  he  made 
an  unusually  brilliant  speech  at  Springfield,  which 
produced  a  profound  impression  upon  the  minds  of 


1  Brown's  "  Life  of  Lincoln." 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  6 1 

the  audience.  At  its  close  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Forquer,  who  was  well  known  in  the  community  as  a 
man  of  no  little  ability,  arose  to  reply  to  him.  He 
had  formerly  been  a  Whig,  but  for  some  reason  had 
seen  fit  to  change  his  political  faith  and  become  a 
staunch  Democrat.  He  had  recently  had  his  buildings 
protected  from  the  lightning  by  numerous  rods,  which 
were  the  first  ever  seen  in  the  vicinity,  and  were  the 
objects  of  considerable  curiosity  and  much  unfavora 
ble  comment.  In  the  beginning  of  his  speech,  he 
said  : 

"  This  young  man  must  be  taken  down  and  I  am 
sorry  that  the  duty  devolves  upon  me." 

He  then  took  up  Lincoln's  points,  one  by  one,  and 
answered  them  in  a  fair  and  logical  manner,  although 
frequently  indulging  in  coarse  personalities  and  an 
assumption  of  superiority  that  was  intensely  annoy 
ing  to  Lincoln,  who  stood  by  becoming  more  and 
more  wrought  up  as  the  speaker  continued.  When 
he  had  closed,  Lincoln  stepped  upon  the  platform  to 
reply.  His  answer  was  dignified,  forcible  and  con 
vincing,  and  concluded  as  follows  : 

"  It  is  for  you,  fellow-citizens,  and  not  for  me  to  say 
whether  I  am  up  or  down.  The  gentleman  has  seen 
fit  to  allude  to  my  being  a  young  man,  but  he  forgets 
that  I  am  older  in  )'rears  than  I  am  in  the  tricks  and 
trades  of  politicians.  I  desire  to  live  and  desire  place 
and  distinction  ;  but  I  would  rather  die  now  than, 
like  the  gentleman,  live  to  see  the  day  that  I  would 
change  my  politics  for  an  office  worth  $3,000  a  year, 
and  then  feel  compelled  to  erect  a  lightning  rod  to 
protect  a  guilty  conscience  from  an  offended  God." 

Forquer  was    completely  answered    and  probably 


62  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

never  heard  the  last  of  this  pointed  allusion  to  his 
lightning  rods. 

In  these  sentences  Lincoln  struck  a  key-note  of  his 
life  and  character.  Though  often  in  a  position  to 
profit  by  the  tricks  of  politicians  he  never  descended 
to  do  so.  In  politics,  as  in  his  private  life,  he  was 
strictly  honest  and  frank  and,  where  a  principle  was 
concerned,  as  firm  and  unyielding  as  a  rock. 

In  this  campaign  he  greatly  increased  his  reputa 
tion  as  a  speaker.  He  excelled  especially  in  original 
and  vigorous  thought,  and  clear,  concise  and  pointed 
expression.  His  appearance  upon  the  platform  was 
awkward  and  unprepossessing,  but  this  was  soon  for 
gotten  in  the  interest  which  he  never  failed  to  excite. 

The  election  resulted  in  a  large  Whig  majority  in  a 
county  which  had  hitherto  been  a  Democratic  strong 
hold,  and  Lincoln's  majority  was  larger  than  that  of 
any  of  the  other  candidates. 

The  members  from  Sangamon  County  were 
dubbed  the  "long  nine."  They  were  all  of  great 
height,  averaging  over  six  feet  and  more  than  200 
pounds  in  weight.  They  probably  exerted  a  greater 
influence  in  legislation  than  any  other  delegation,  and 
many  of  the  extravagant  and  vicious  laws  of  this 
session  were  traceable  to  them. 

There  were  many  men  in  the  Legislature  with 
whom  Lincoln  came  into  more  or  less  intimate  asso 
ciation,  who  afterwards  gained  national  reputations. 
There  were  several  incipient  Members  of  Congress 
and  Senators  and  a  number  who  afterwards  gained 
distinguished  military  reputations.  Foremost  among 
them  all  was  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  whose  career  was 
only  less  brilliant  than  that  of  his  great  fellow-mem- 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  63 

her.  Thus  Lincoln  was  thrown  into  contact  with 
Tnany  of  the  brightest  minds  of  the  West,  and  was 
much  benefited  by  his  association  with  them. 

The  principal  business,  considered  during  the  ses 
sion,  related  to  a  most  extravagant  system  of  internal 
improvements,  and  many  gigantic  and  reckless 
schemes  were  discussed.  The  people  were  deeply 
impressed  with  the  great  resources  of  the  State,  and 
believed  that,  if  they  developed  its  natural  features, 
and  established  easy  communication  between  the  dif 
ferent  sections,  the  State  would  immediately  fill  up 
with  inhabitants  and  its  prosperity  be  assured.  The 
population  was  comparatively  small,  and  the  people 
were  too  few  and  poor  to  bear  the  heavy  financial 
burdens  thus  entailed,  so  they  determined  to  bond 
the  State  for  a  million  dollars,  which  would  have  been 
but  a  small  part  of  the  cost  of  the  contemplated 
improvements.  The  Legislature  represented  the 
extreme  of  public  sentiment  and  commenced  immedi 
ately  to  plan  a  system  of  internal  improvements, 
which  two  generations  and  a  great  commonwealth 
have  hardly  yet  completed. 

Many  of  the  small  streams,  as  well  as  larger  rivers, 
were  to  be  dredged,  widened  and  made  navigable. 
Upon  them  were  to  be  placed  lines  of  splendid  steam 
ers,  which  were  to  connect  the  settlements  and 
develop  them  into  large  and  bustling  cities.  There 
was  not  a  little  cross-roads  village  or  scattering  ham 
let  that  did  not  have  its  visions  of  metropolitan 
splendors.  Parks  and  boulevards,  churches,  city-halls 
and  great  business  blocks  were  to  spring  up,  as  if  by 
magic. 

The  State  was  to  be  crossed  by  a  net-work  of  rail- 


64  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

roads  connecting  the  North  with  the  South,  the  East 
with  the  West.  These  sanguine  legislators  expected 
to  transform  in  a  moment  a  wilderness  with  a  half  a 
million  inhabitants  into  an  old-world  country  with  its 
crowded  population  and  improvements,  a  process 
which  hitherto  centuries  alone  had  been  able  to 
perfect. 

It  was  one  of  those  periods  of  speculation  and 
excitement  through  which  every  country  must  pass, 
and  the  inevitable  reaction  was  quick  to  follow,  retard 
ing  the  general  prosperity  just  in  proportion  to  the 
extravagance  of  the  speculation. 

It  is  perhaps  well  for  the  State  that  it  passed 
through  this  trying  ordeal  before  its  interests  had 
been  developed  to  any  extent,  or  the  crash  would  have 
been  far  greater  and  its  results  more  lasting. 

Lincoln  was  the  recognized  leader  of  his  delegation, 
and  hence  was  influential  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
House.  Into  all  of  the  extravagant  measures,  which 
were  brought  forward,  he  entered  heart  and  soul,  and 
exerted  all  his  power  to  secure  their  incorporation 
into  the  statutes  of  the  State. 

The  question  of  the  permanent  location  of  the 
State  Capital  came  up  at  this  time.  Vandalia  was 
not  a  desirable  location  for  several  reasons,  and  a 
number  of  cities  were  desirous  of  the  honor  and 
emoluments  accruing  from  this  distinction.  Powerful 
lobbies  were  present  from  Alton,  Decatur,  Peoria, 
Jacksonville,  Iltiopolis  and  Springfield.  The  "  long 
nine"  were,  of  course,  pledged  to  do  their  utmost  to 
secure  for  Springfield  the  coveted  honor,  and,  under 
the  shrewd  leadership  of  Lincoln,  they  gained  their 
end,  after  a  prolonged  and  bitter  struggle  and  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  65 

beautiful  city  of  the  Sangamon  was  designated  as  the 
Capital  of  Illinois. 

Near  the  close  of  the  session  occurred  a  circum 
stance  which  attracted  but  little  attention  at  the  time, 
but  which,  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  is  worthy 
of  more  than  a  passing  notice.  As  has  been  said,  Il 
linois  occupied  a  somewhat  anomalous  position  in 
regard  to  slavery.  While  the  institution  was  rigor 
ously  excluded  from  the  State  the  majority  of  the 
people  looked  with  greater  abhorrence  upon  the  Abo 
litionist  than  upon  the  slaveholder.  But  few  Aboli 
tionists  ventured  to  settle  within  its  borders  and  they 
were  sedulously  avoided  by  the  most  of  the  people  of 
the  community,  and  sometimes  neglect  gave  place  to 
actual  ill  treatment. 

This  sentiment  was  put  in  the  form  of  a  resolution 
and  passed  by  the  Legislature,  near  the  end  of  the 
session  in  the  following  form  : 

"  Resolved,  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Illinois  : 
That  we  highly  disapprove  of  the  formation  of  Abolition  soci 
eties  and  of  the  doctrines  promulgated  by  them  ;  that  the  right 
of  property  in  slaves  is  sacred  to  the  slaveholding  States  by 
the  Federal  constitution,  and  that  they  cannot  be  deprived  of 
that  right  without  their  own  consent ;  that  the  General  Govern 
ment  cannot  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  against 
the  consent  of  the  citizens  of  said  District  without  a  manifest 
breach  of  good  faith  .  .  ." 

The  Legislature  thus  recognized  the  absolute  right 
of  the  slaveholding  States  to  their  peculiar  institu 
tions  and  sought  to  establish  the  doctrine  of  non 
interference.  The  movement  seemed  at  the  time  to 
be  possessed  of  little  significance,  yet  it  was  the  co 
gent  statement  of  a  political  doctrine  which  was  des- 


66  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

tined,  in  after  years,  to  exert  a  baleful  influence  over 
the  whole  country  and  to  prove  a  great  obstacle  in 
the  path  of  advancing  freedom. 

Lincoln  was  not  an  Abolitionist.  His  early  associa 
tions  had  so  familiarized  him  with  slavery  as  an  estab 
lished  institution  that  he  looked  with  suspicion  and 
alarm  upon  the  radical  doctrines  of  the  new  party 
which  as  yet  had  no  political  status,  but  of  which  he 
was  in  the  future  destined  to  become  the  leader.  Yet 
slavery  as  a  fact  was  wholly  distasteful  to  him;  hence, 
while  he  would  not  commit  himself  to  the  Abolition 
movement,  he  would  not,  on  the  other  hand,  subscribe 
to  nor  even  give  a  silent  consent  to  resolutions  which 
were  essentially  pro-slavery. 

Accordingly,  on  the  last  day  but  one  of  the  session, 
he  prepared  a  protest  against  the  resolutions  and 
tried  to  secure  the  signature  of  his  colleagues  to  it. 
Only  one,  Dan  Stone,  could  be  induced  to  sign  it,  and 
with  but  two  names  appended  it  was  spread  upon  the 
records  of  the  House. 

It  reads  as  follows  : 

"  Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery  having 
passed  both  branches  of  the  General  Assembly,  at  its  present 
session,  the  undersigned  hereby  protest  against  the  passage  of 
the  same.  They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded 
upon  both  injustice  and  bad  policy,  but  that  the  promulgation 
of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather  to  increase  than  to  abate  its 
evils.  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  interfere  with  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  in  the  different  States.  They  believe  that  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  has  power  under  the  Constitu 
tion  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  that  the 
power  ought  not  to  be  exercised  unless  at  the  request  of  the 
people  of  the  District.  The  difference  between  these  opinions 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  67 

and  those  contained  in  the  above  resolutions  is  their  reason  for 

entering  this  protest. 

DAN  STONE, 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln  never  materially  departed  from  the 
political  doctrine  herein  enunciated  and  never  ceased 
to  hold  that  the  Constitution  conferred  no  right  upon 
any  one  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slave  States. 

At  the  close  of  the  session  he  walked  home  from 
Vandalia,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  miles.  The  rest 
of  the  delegation  rode  upon  horseback,  but  Lincoln 
was  able  to  keep  up  with  them  and  beguiled  the 
tedium  of  the  journey  with  many  a  story  and  pointed 
joke. 

The  weather  was  cold  and  his  clothes  were  thin  and 
worn.  Complaining  of  the  cold,  one  of  his  compan 
ions  told  the  future  President  that  "  it  was  no  wonder 
he  was  cold,  there  was  so  much  of  him  on  the 
ground."  No  one  enjoyed  the  joke  more  than  its 
victim. 

Upon  their  return  to  Springfield  they  were  greeted 
with  the  most  extravagant  manifestations  of  gratitude 
and  joy.  They  had  secured  the  greatly  coveted 
honor  for  the  city  and  the  citizens  could  not  do 
enough  to  show  their  appreciation  of  the  service.  In 
the  midst  of  the  feasting  and  rejoicing,  Lincoln  was 
observed  to  be  sad  and  preoccupied.  When  ques 
tioned  as  to  the  cause  of  it  he  ascribed  it  to  the  un 
settled  condition  of  his  life,  and  the  uncertainty  of 
his  future.  In  view  of  his  lonely  situation  his  friends 
determined  to  secure  his  removal  to  the  Capital  and 
to  assist  him,  as  far  as  he  would  permit,  to  secure 
lucrative  employment. 


68  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

In  April,  1837,  he  left  New  Salem  and  removed  to 
Springfield,  where  he  continued  to  live  until  he  went 
to  Washington.  His  possessions  were  few  and  easily 
carried  in  his  saddle-bags.  He  intended  to  hire  a 
small  room  and  obtain  his  meals  at  a  restaurant  or 
boarding-house.  Upon  his  arrival  he  went  into  the 
store  of  Joshua  F.  Speed,  with  whom  he  was  slightly 
acquainted  and  inquired  the  price  of  the  necessary 
furniture,  at  the  same  time  remarking  that,  if  he  suc 
ceeded  in  his  profession,  he  would  pay  for  it  in  full  ; 
but  if  he  did  not  succeed,  he  should  probably  never 
pay  for  it.  Struck  by  his  appearance  and  apparent 
honesty,  Mr.  Speed  offered  to  share  his  own  room  with 
him,  an  offer  which  Lincoln  gladly  accepted. 

He  had  been  licensed  to  practice  law  in  the  preced 
ing  month  and  soon  entered  into  partnership  with 
Major  Stuart,  who  had  superintended  his  legal  educa 
tion  and  was  a  warm  and  consistent  friend.  He 
remained  with  him  for  four  years  when  he  entered 
into  partnership  with  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan,  one 
of  the  shrewdest  and  most  successful  lawyers  of  the 
State. 

The  Springfield  bar  was  at  this  time  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  in  the  country  and  there  were  several 
lawyers  connected  with  it,  who  could  have  held  their 
own  against  the  ablest  advocates  of  the  East. 
Among  those  who  afterwards  achieved  a  national 
reputation  were  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  prosecuting 
attorney,  E.  D.  Baker,  Ninian  W.  Edwards,  Jesse  B. 
Thomas,  Samuel  H.  Treat  and  many  others.  It 
required  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  ability  to  make 
a  place  among  such  men. 

Lincoln  did  not  appear  much  in  the  society  of  the 


ABRAHAM  ,  LINCOLN.  69 

place  which,  for  a  new  town,  was  pretentious  and 
exclusive.  The  population  numbered  less  than  2,000, 
but  there  were  representatives  of  many  old  Kentucky 
families  who  lived  in  a  state  of  magnificence  and  dis 
play,  which  was  unattainable  for  most  of  the  pioneers. 
It  is  probable  that  Lincoln  with  his  rude  manners  and 
uncouth  appearance,  together  with  his  coarse  and  ill- 
fitting  garments,  could  hardly  find  a  place  in  the  first 
circles.  But  he  was  intent  on  his  work  and  found 
his  amusement  in  more  intellectual  pursuits  so  that 
he  did  not  miss  the  round  of  social  gayeties. 

The  means  of  mental  improvement  in  those  days 
were  limited.  Books  were  costly  and  scarce.  The 
few  newspapers  that  carne  into  the  community  were 
soon  read  and  their  contents  discussed.  In  order  to 
make  up  for  this  lack  of  material  for  literary  culture, 
as  far  as  possible,  the  young  men  were  accustomed  to 
form  debating  societies,  where  they  discussed  the 
great  topics  of  the  day  and  listened  to  addresses  and 
papers  prepared  by  the  members.  The  meeting  of 
the  society  was  a  great  event  in  the  smaller  towns, 
and  the  room  in  which  it  was  held  was  generally 
packed  with  sympathetic  listeners. 

Such  a  society  was  organized  in  Springfield  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Young  Men's  Lyceum,"  and  Lin 
coln  was  an  enthusiastic  member  of  it.  This  was  a 
more  dignified  organization  than  the  average  debat 
ing  society,  and  contained  much  of  the  best  talent  of 
the  place. 

Speed's  store  was  a  popular  gathering-place  where, 
beside  the  great  open  fireplace,  many  an  impromptu 
discussion  took  place.  Here  Lincoln  and  Douglas 
and  Baker  were  often  found  with  scores  of  others 


7O  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

engaging  in  heated  political  discussions,  which  sel 
dom  ended  with  a  decided  advantage  to  either  side. 

In  1837,  Lincoln  was  invited  to  deliver  an  address 
before  the  Lyceum  and  took  for  his  subject,  "  The 
Perpetuation  of  our  Free  Institutions."  He  spent 
much  time  in  its  preparation  and  it  was  so  favorably 
received  as  to  be  subsequently  published  in  the 
Weekly  Journal  of  Springfield.  The  style  was  florid 
and  declamatory,  yet,  considering  his  lack  of  educa 
tion,  it  was  a  remarkable  production.  It  showed  the 
profound  thought  and  originality  of  a  true  statesman 
while  it  gave  evidence  of  ardent  patriotism  and  a 
genuine  love  of  constitutional  liberty.  The  style  of 
thought  and  expression  is  in  marked  contrast  to  that 
exhibited  in  his  Gettysburg  address,  perhaps  the 
best  example  of  true  eloquence  in  the  English  lan 
guage. 

The  one  was  at  the  beginning  of  his  public  career, 
the  other,  near  the  end.  The  Springfield  address 
has  the  same  true  ring  as  the  one  made  upon  the  great 
battle-field,  but  the  development  of  his  intellectual 
powers  from  the  first  product  to  the  last  contains  the 
story  of  all  that  is  most  interesting  in  his  career. 

In  his  exordium  he  speaks  of  the  peculiar  blessings 
enjoyed  by  the  American  people  in  their  natural  sur 
roundings  and  political  institutions  which  conduce  to 
to  civil  and  religious  liberty  and  then  reviews  the 
labors  of  our  ancestors  to  secure  to  us  these  inestim 
able  blessings. 

"  Theirs  was  the  task,  and  nobly  they  performed  it, 
to  possess  themselves  and,  through  themselves,  us,  of 
this  goodly  land,  and  to  rear  upon  its  hills  and  val 
leys  a  political  edifice  of  liberty  and  equal  rights  ; 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  71 

tis  ours  only  to  transmit  these,  the  former  unpro- 
faned  by  the  foot  of  an  invader,  the  latter  undecayed 
by  the  lapse  of  time.  This,  our  duty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  and  love  for  our  species  in  general, 

imperatively  require  us  to  perform At 

what  point,  then,  is  the  approach  of  danger  to  be 
expected  ?  I  answer,  if  it  ever  reaches  us,  it  must 
spring  up  among  ourselves.  It  cannot  come  from 
abroad.  If  destruction  be  our  lot,  we  must  ourselves 
be  its  author  and  finisher.  As  a  nation  of  freemen 
we  must  live  through  all  time  or  die  of  suicide." 

He  graphically  describes  the  dangers  of  mob-vio 
lence  and  lawlessness  and  speaks  of  the  different 
menaces  from  within  the  people  against  the  stability 
of  our  institutions. 

"  Many  great  and  good  men,  sufficiently  qualified 
for  any  task  they  should  undertake,  may  be  ever 
found,  whose  ambition  would  aspire  to  nothing 
beyond  a  seat  in  Congress,  a  gubernatorial  or  presi 
dential  chair.  But  such  belong  not  to  the  family  of 
the  lion,  or  the  brood  of  the  eagle.  What  ?  Think 
you  these  places  would  satisfy  an  Alexander,  a  Caesar 
or  a  Napoleon?  Never.  Towering  genius  disdains 
a  beaten  path.  It  seeks  regions  hitherto  unexplored. 
It  sees  no  distinction  in  adding  story  to  story  upon 
the  monuments  of  fame  erected  to  the  memory  of 
others.  It  denies  that  it  is  glory  enough  to  serve 
under  any  chief.  It  scorns  to  tread  in  the  foot-prints 
of  a  predecessor,  however  illustrious.  It  thirsts  and 
burns  for  distinction  and,  if  possible,  it  will  have  it 
whether  at  the  expense  of  emancipating  slaves  or  enslav 
ing  free  men." 

He  closed  with  a  tribute  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Rev- 


72  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

olution   in  which   he   characterized   them   as   living 
histories  : 

"  But  these  histories  are  gone.  They  can  be  read 
no  more  forever.  They  were  a  fortress  of  strength  ; 
but  what  invading  foe  men  could  never  do,  the  silent 
artillery  of  time  has — the  leveling  of  its  walls.  They 
are  gone.  They  were  a  forest  of  giant  oaks  ;  but  the 
all-resistless  hurricane  has  swept  over  them,  and  left 
only  here  and  there  a  lonely  trunk,  despoiled  of  its 
verdure,  shorn  of  its  foliage,  unshading  and  unshaded, 
to  murmur  in  a  few  more  gentle  breezes,  and  to  com 
bat  with  its  mutilated  limbs  a  few  more  rude  storms, 
then  to  sink  and  be  no  more.  They  were  pillars  of 
the  Temple  of  Liberty,  and  now,  that  they  have 
crumbled  away,  that  temple  must  fall,  unless  we,  their 
descendants,  supply  their  places  with  other  pillars 
hewn  from  the  same  solid  quarry  of  sober  reason. 
Passion  has  helped  us  but  can  do  so  no  more.  It  will, 
in  the  future,  be  our  enemy.  Reason — cold,  calculat 
ing,  unimpassioned  reason — must  furnish  all  the 
materials  for  our  future  support  and  defense.  Let 
these  materials  be  moulded  into  general  intelligence, 
sound  morality,  and,  in  particular,  a  reverence  for  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws.  Upon  these  let  the  proud 
fabric  of  freedom  rest  as  the  rock  of  its  basis  and  as 
truly  as  has  been  said  of  the  only  greater  institution, 
*  The  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.'  " 

One  evening,  not  long  after,  the  discussion  of  poli 
tics  in  Speed's  store  became  unusually  animated 
Douglas,  as  usual,  was  the  Democratic  champion  and 
not  only  warmly  advocated  his  own  political  views, 
but  bitterly  attacked  the  doctrines  of  the  Whigs  and 
accused  them  indiscriminately  of  fraud,  peculation 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  7J 

and  political  insincerity.  In  the  midst  of  the  babel 
of  voices  he  suddenly  sprang  to  his  feet,  exclaiming, 
"  A  store  is  no  place  to  discuss  politics,"  and  chal 
lenged  his  opponents  to  a  public  debate.  The  chal 
lenge  was  accepted  and  a  series  of  meetings  arranged, 
to  be  held  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  to  last  eight 
days,  giving  to  each  one  an  evening  to  present  his 
views.  The  Democrats  were  to  be  represented  by 
Douglas,  Calhoun,  Lamborn  and  Thomas,  while  the 
Whigs  selected  Logan,  Baker,  Browning  and  Lincoln 
to  defend  their  cause.  The  speeches  were  long  and 
intensely  partisan,  and  when  Lincoln's  turn  came  on 
the  last  night,  the  people  had  become  weary  of  the 
monotony,  and  but  a  small  audience  assembled  to  lis 
ten  to  him.  He  spoke  without  notes  and  his  speech 
was  pronounced  the  best  of  the  series.  He  denounced 
in  strongest  terms  the  short-comings  and  corruption 
of  the  Administration.  At  times  he  seemed  to  have 
almost  a  prophetic  inspiration  and  the  sentiments  he 
uttered  were  indicative  of  the  most  exalted  patriot 
ism.  He  said  : 

"  Many  countries  have  lost  their  liberties  and  ours 
may  lose  hers  ;  but  if  she  shall,  be  it  my  proudest 
plume,  not  that  I  was  the  last  to  desert,  but  that  I 
never  deserted  her."  Could  he  for  a  moment  have 
caught  a  glimpse  of  the  supreme  sacrifice  he  would 
be  called  upon  to  make  when  he  said  : 

"  The  probabilities  that  we  may  fall  in  the  struggle 
ought  not  to  deter  us  from  the  support  of  a  cause 
which  we  deem  just.  It  shall  not  deter  me.  If  ever 
I  feel  the  soul  within  me  elevate  and  expand  to  those 
dimensions  not  wholly  unworthy  of  its  Almighty 
Architect,  it  is  when  I  contemplate  the  cause  of  my 


74  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

country,  deserted  by  all  the  world  beside,  and  I,  stand 
ing  up  boldly  and  alone,  hurling  defiance  at  her  vic 
torious  oppressors.  And  here,  without  contemplat 
ing  the  consequences,  before  high  Heaven  and  in  the 
face  of  the  whole  world,  I  swear  eternal  fidelity  to  the 
just  cause,  as  I  deem  it,  of  the  land  of  my  life,  my 
liberty  and  my  love." 

When  the  fulfilment  of  this  oath  was  called  for, 
and  the  suffering  country  he  loved  so  well  stretched 
out  her  hands  to  him  in  her  dire  extremity,  he  hesi 
tated  not,  but  redeemed  to  the  uttermost  the  solemn 
pledge  he  had  given  this  night  as  if  in  anticipation  of 
the  event. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

ALTHOUGH  he  was  deeply  interested  in  politics  and 
gave  up  much  of  his  time  to  side  issues,  Lincoln  did 
not  forget  that  it  was  by  the  practice  of  law  that  he 
was  to  make  his  living  and,  in  his  plodding  and 
patient  way,  was  slowly  making  a  reputation.  He 
never  excelled  in  his  knowledge  of  the  law,  unlike  his 
partner,  Judge  Logan,  who  was  ranked  as  the  best- 
equipped  nisi prins  lawyer  in  the  West.  Nor  did  he 
apply  himself  to  a  single  branch  of  the  law,  so  as  to 
become  a  recognized  authority. 

He  had,  by  persistent  study,  gained  a  sufficient 
knowledge  of  common  and  statute  law  to  enable  him 
to  practice  successfully  in  the  circuit  courts,  and  his 
quickness  to  take  advantage  of  any  flaw  in  the  evi 
dence  or  to  turn  a  point  upon  his  adversary  fully 
compensated  for  any  lack  of  legal  culture  which  he 
might  have  manifested. 

As  an  example  of  this  an  interesting  story  is  related 
of  his  defense  of  the  son  of  an  old  friend,  who  was 
accused,  of  murder.  The  incident  was  so  striking  and 
dramatic  that  it  has  been  made  the  basis  of  a  popu 
lar  novel.1  The  murder  was  committed  one  Sunday 
evening  at  a  camp-meeting.  The  victim  was  a  young 
man  against  whom  the  accused  had  been  heard  to 
make  violent  threats.  The  principal  witness  was  a 
disreputable  man,  who  swore  that  he  had  heard  the 


•»  "  The  Graysons,"  by  Edward  Eggleston. 

(75) 


j6  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

accused  threaten  to  take  the  life  of  the  victim,  and 
that,  on  the  night  of  the  murder,  he  saw  the  deed 
performed  from  a  thicket  in  which  he  had  concealed 
himself.  The  chain  of  evidence  seemed  to  be  com 
pletely  forged  and  public  sentiment  was  strongly 
against  the  accused.  To  the  surprise  of  all,  Lincoln 
sat  calmly  in  his  seat  during  the  trial,  asked  but  few 
questions  and  produced  no  witnesses,  except  one  or 
two  to  prove  the  previous  good  character  of  the 
young  man.  When  it  came  his  turn  to  address  the 
jury  he  reviewed  briefly  the  case  and  called  to  mind 
the  fact  that  the  leading  witness  had  sworn  that  he 
had  seen  the  foul  deed  performed  by  the  light  of  the 
full  moon.  Producing  an  almanac  he  showed  the 
jury  that  there  had  been  no  moon  that  night  ;  and 
then  pointing  his  long  finger  at  him,  he  accused  the 
witness  of  the  murder.  He  completed  his  speech 
with  a  most  eloquent  appeal  to  the  jury  to  restore  the 
young  man  to  his  widowed  mother,  and  pictured  so 
fervently  the  desolation  of  the  home,  deprived  of  the 
only  son,  that  there  was  not  a  dry  eye  in  the  audience. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  jury  returned  a  verdict 
of  "  not  guilty,"  without  leaving  their  seats. 

In  those  days  lawyers  were  compelled  to  go  from 
place  to  place  to  attend  court,  making  the  rounds  of 
the  circuit  with  the  Judge.  The  cases  were  generally 
free  from  legal  technicalities  and  required  but  little 
preparation.  The  fees  were  not  large  and  were  often 
in  kind,  so  that  it  was  not  a  difficult  matter  for  even  a 
poor  lawyer  to  secure  a  horse.  The  lawyers  gener 
ally  traveled  in  congenial  groups,  and  enlivened  the 
monotonous  journey  with  stories  and  anecdotes,  or 
heated  political  discussions. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  77 

Lincoln  was  always  a  favorite  traveling-compan 
ion  and  made  an  extensive  circle  of  friends.  For  a 
young  man,  ambitious  for  political  preferment,  no 
mode  of  life  could  have  been  more  favorable.  Peo 
ple  from  the  surrounding  country  flocked  to  the 
court-house  during  the  session  to  listen  to  the 
speeches,  and  they  made  an  appreciative  audi 
ence,  quick  to  recognize  ability.  They  knew  all 
the  lawyers  by  name,  frequently  being  person 
ally  acquainted  with  them,  and  freely  discussed 
their  relative  merits.  Indeed,  the  court-session  and 
the  doings  of  the  lawyers  formed  the  topic  of  general 
conversation  in  the  intervals,  and  the  favorites  were 
always  cordially  greeted. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Lincoln  made  many  firm 
friends  during  this  peripatetic  life.  His  open  and 
frank  demeanor,  his  good  memory,  which  enabled 
him  to  remember  the  names  of  even  casual  acquaint 
ances,  his  helpful  disposition,  and  his  geniality  and 
good  humor,  all  united  to  make  him  preferred  above 
the  most  of  his  associates.  The  popularity  thus 
acquired  added  to  his  political  speeches  and  work 
soon  caused  him  to  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  Whig 
leaders  in  the  State,  and  as  such  he  gained  no  little 
prominence. 

There  is  always  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  posterity 
to  idealize  great  heroes  and  to  see  nothing  but  the 
good  and  great  things  in  their  lives.  This  hero- 
worship  has  always  been  specially  directed  towards, 
Lincoln.  During  the  last  four  years  of  his  life  he 
occupied  so  lofty  an  eminence,  and  performed  such 
signal  services  for  humanity,  as  to  be  ranked  in  the 
short  list  of  her  greatest  heroes.  Using  this  period 


78  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

as  a  starting  point,  men  paint  the  halo  of  perfection 
about  his  whole  life.  As  the  wise  men  followed  the 
star  from  the  East  to  the  stable  at  Bethlehem,  so  it  is 
a  common  tendency  to  picture  Lincoln  passing 
through  the  minute  details  of  his  life  with  the  star  of 
his  destiny  ever  in  sight  and  pointing  him  out,  from 
early  boyhood,  as  the  man  upon  whom  the  fate  of  the 
nation  should  depend. 

This  state  of  things  was  far  from  true.  While  he 
undoubtedly  gave  promise  of  a  brilliant  future,  the 
great  pre-eminence  which  he  was  to  attain  was  but 
little  more  than  hinted  at.  There  were  many  more 
noted  and  learned  lawyers,  even  in  his  own  circuit. 
As  an  orator  he  had  many  peers,  a  few  superiors.  As 
a  statesman  he  had  had  but  little  opportunity  to  show 
his  mettle,  but  his  efforts  in  that  direction  had  been 
largely  attended  with  failure  and  seemed  indicative 
of  political  short-sightedness,  if  not  of  actual  incapac 
ity.  Had  it  not  been  for  his  captivating  manners  and 
the  vast  fund  of  story  and  anecdote,  with  which  he 
illustrated  and  pointed  his  thoughts  in  conversation 
and  public  addresses,  he  would  have  attracted  hardly 
more  than  passing  attention.  That  he  had  the  ele 
ments  of  true  greatness  in  youth  no  one  can  deny,  but 
they  required  much  training  before  he  was  fitted  to 
occupy  an  exalted  position  in  the  world. 

Many  interesting  stories  are  related  of  his  sayings 
and  doings  while  "riding  circuit,"  that  will  be  recog 
nized  as  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the  man. 

Two  farmers,  having  a  misunderstanding  about  a 
horse  trade,  went  to  law.  By  mutual  consent  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  his  partner  took  the  opposite  sides.  On 
the  day  of  the  trial  Mr.  Logan,  having  bought  a  new 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  79 

shirt,  open  in  the  back  with  a  huge  standing  collar, 
dressed  himself  in  extreme  haste  and  put  on  the  shirt 
with  the  bosom  at  the  back,  a  li-nen  coat  concealing 
the  blunder.  He  dazed  the  jury  with  his  knowledge 
of  "  horse-points,"  and,  as  the  day  was  sultry,  took  off 
his  coat  and  summed  up  in  his  shirt-sleeves. 

Lincoln,  sitting  behind  him,  took  in  the  situation, 
and  when  his  turn  came  remarked  to  the  jury: 

"  Gentleman,  Mr.  Logan  has  been  trying  for  over 
an  hour  to  make  you  believe  he  knows  more  about  a 
horse  than  these  honest  old  farmers  who  are  wit 
nesses.  He  has  quoted  largely  from  his  '  horse  doc 
tor,'  and  now,  gentlemen,  I  submit  to  you  (here  he 
lifted  Logan  out  of  his  chair,  and  turned  him  with 
his  back  to  the  jury  and  the  crowd,  at  the  same  time 
turning  up  the  enormous  standing  collar)  what  de 
pendence  can  you  place  in  his  horse  knowledge,  when 
he  has  not  sense  enough  to  put  on  his  shirt." 

The  roars  of  laughter  that  greeted  this  exhibition 
and  the  verdict  that  Lincoln  got  soon  after  gave 
Logan  a  permanent  prejudice  against  "bosom 
shirts." 

Mr.  Lincoln  never  made  his  profession  lucrative 
to  himself.  It  was  very  difficult  for  him  to  charge 
any  one  a  heavy  fee,  and  still  more  difficult  for  him 
to  charge  his  friends  anything  at  all  for  professional 
services.  To  a  poor  client  he  was  quite  as  apt  to  give 
money  as  to  take  it  from  him.  He  never  encouraged 
the  spirit  of  litigation.  One  of  his  old  clients  says 
that  he  went  to  Mr.  Lincoln  with  a  case  to  prosecute, 
and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  refused  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  it,  because  he  was  not  strictly  in  the  right.  "  You 
can  give  the  other  party  a  great  deal  of  trouble,"  said 


80  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  lawyer,  "  and  perhaps  beat  him,  but  you  had  better 
let  the  suit  alone." 

About  the  time  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  be  known  as 
a  successful  lawyer,  he  was  waited  upon  by  a  lady 
who  held  a  real-estate  claim  which  she  desired  to 
have  him  prosecute,  putting  into  his  hands,  with  the 
necessary  papers,  a  check  for  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars,  as  a  retaining  fee.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  would 
look  the  case  over,  and  asked  her  to  call  again  the 
next  day.  Upon  presenting  herself,  Mr.  Lincoln  told 
her  that  he  had  gone  through  the  papers  very  care 
fully,  and  he  must  tell  her  frankly  that  there  was  not 
a  "  peg  "to  hang  her  claim  upon,  and  he  could  not 
conscientiously  advise  her  to  bring  an  action.  The 
lady  was  satisfied,  and,  thanking  him,  rose  to  go. 

"  Wait,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  fumbling  in  his  vest 
pocket,  "  here  is  the  check  you  left  with  me." 

"  But,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  returned  the  lady,  "  I  think 
you  have  earned  that." 

"  No,  no,"  he  responded,  handing  it  back  to  her; 
i  that  would  not  be  right.  I  can't  take  pay  for  doing 
my  duty." 

At  one  time  he  and  a  certain  judge  were  banter 
ing  one  another  about  trading  horses,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  next  morning,  at  nine  o'clock,  they 
should  make  a  trade,  the  horses  to  be  unseen  up  to 
that  hour,  and  there  was  to  be  no  backing  out  under 
penalty  of  twenty-five  dollars. 

At  the  hour  appointed  the  judge  came  up,  leading 
the  sorriest-looking  specimen  of  a  horse  ever  seen  in 
those  parts.  In  a  few  minutes  Mr.  Lincoln  was  seen 
approaching  with  a  wooden  saw-horse  upon  his  shoul 
ders.  Great  were  the  shouts  and  the  laughter  of  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  8 1 

crowd,  and  both  were  greatly  increased,  when  Mr. 
Lincoln,  on  surveying  the  Judge's  animal,  set  down 
his  saw-horse,  and  exclaimed  : 

"Well,  Judge,  this  is  the  first  time  I  ever  got  the 
worst  of  it  in  a  horse-trade." 

It  is  said  that  Lincoln  was  always  ready  to  join  in 
a  laugh  at  his  own  expense.  He  used  to  tell  the  fol 
lowing  story  with  great  glee: 

"  In  the  days  when  I  used  to  be  on  the  circuit," 
said  he,  "  I  was  accosted  on  the  cars  by  a  stranger, 
who  said : 

" '  Excuse  me,  sir,  but  I  have  an  article  in  my  pos 
session  which  belongs  to  you/ 

"'How  is  that?'  I  asked,  considerably  aston 
ished. 

"  The  stranger  took  a  jack-knife  from  his  pocket. 
'  This  knife/  said  he,  '  was  placed  in  my  hands  some 
years  ago,  with  the  injunction  that  I  was  to  keep  it 
until  I  found  a  man  uglier  than  myself.  I  have  car 
ried  it  from  that  time  to  this.  Allow  me  now  to  say, 
sir,  that  I  think  you  are  fairly  entitled  to  the  prop 
erty/" 

Attorney-General  Bates  was  once  remonstrating 
with  the  President  against  the  appointment  to  a  judi 
cial  position  of  considerable  importance  of  a  Western 
man  who,  though  upon  the  bench,  possessed  an  indif 
ferent  reputation  as  a  lawyer. 

"Well  now,  Judge,"  returned  Mr.  Lincoln,  "I  think 
you  are  rather  too  hard  upon  Smith.  Besides  that,  I 
must  tell  you,  he  did  me  a  good  turn  long  ago.  When 
I  took  to  the  law,  I  was  walking  to  court  one  morn 
ing  with  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  of  bad  road  before 
me,  when  Smith  overtook  me  in  his  wagon. 


82  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

" '  Hullo,  Lincoln  !'  said  he;  'going  to  the  court 
house  ?  Come  in,  and  I  will  give  you  a  seat/ 

"Well,  I  got  in,  and  Smith  went  on  reading  his 
papers.  Presently,  the  wagon  struck  a  stump  on  one 
side  of  the  road,  then  it  hopped  off  to  the  other.  I 
looked  out,  and  the  driver  was  jerking  from  side  to 
side  in  his  seat;  so  I  said, ( Judge,  I  think  your  coach 
man  has  been  taking  a  drop  too  much  this  morning.' 

"  '  Well,  I  declare,  Lincoln,'  said  he,  <  I  should  not 
much  wonder  if  you  are  right,  for  he  has  nearly  upset 
me  half  a  dozen  times  since  starting/  So,  putting  his 
head  out  of  the  window,  he  shouted,  'Why,  you  infer 
nal  scoundrel,  you  are  drunk. ' 

"Upon  which,  pulling  up  his  horses,  and  turning 
around  with  great  gravity,  the  coachman  said:  i  Be 
dad!  but  that's  the  first  rightful  decision  your  honor 
has  given  for  the  last  twelve  months  I" 

An  amusing  incident  occurred  in  connection  with 
riding  the  circuit,  which  gives  a  deep  glimpse  into  the 
good  lawyer's  heart.  He  was  riding  by  a  deep  slough, 
in  which,  to  his  exceeding  pain,  he  saw  a  pig  struggling, 
and  with  such  faint  efforts  that  it  was  evident  that  he 
could  not  extricate  himself  from  the  mud.  Mr.  Lincoln 
looked  at  the  pig  and  the  mud  which  enveloped  him, 
and  then  looked  at  some  new  clothes  with  which  he 
had  but  a  short  time  before  arrayed  himself.  Deciding 
against  the  claims  of  the  pig,  he  rode  on,  but  he  could 
not  get  rid  of  the  vision  of  the  poor  brute  ;  and,  at  last, 
after  riding  two  miles,  he  turned  back  determined  to 
rescue  the  animal,  even  at  the  expense  of  his  new 
clothes.  Arrived  at  the  spot,  he  tied  his  horse,  and 
with  considerable  difficulty  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
pig  from  its  predicament.  Washing  his  hands  in  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  83 

nearst  brook,  he  remounted  his  horse  and  rode  on.  He 
then  fell  to  examining  the  motive  that  sent  him  back 
to  release  the  pig.  At  first  thought,  it  seemed  pure 
benevolence,  but  at  length  he  came  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  it  was  selfishness,  for  he  certainly  went  to  the 
pig's  relief  in  order  to  "take  a  pain  out  of  his  own 
mind." 

To  a  client  who  had  carefully  stated  his  case,  to 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  listened  with  the  closest 
attention,  he  said: 

"  Yes,  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  I  can  gain 
your  case  for  you.  I  can  set  a  whole  neighborhood 
at  loggerheads,  I  can  distress  a  widowed  mother  and 
her  six  fatherless  children  and  thereby  get  for  you 
$600,  which  rightfully  belongs;  it  appears  to  me,  as 
much  to  the  woman  and  her  children  as  to  you.  You 
must  remember  that  some  things  which  are  legally 
right  are  not  morally  right.  I  shall  not  take  your 
case,  but  will  give  you  a  little  advice,  for  which  I  will 
charge  you  nothing.  You  seem  to  be  a  sprightly, 
energetic  man.  I  would  advise  you  to  try  your  hand 
at  making  $600  some  other  way."1 

Soon  after  he  entered  upon  his  profession  at  Spring 
field,  he  was  engaged  in  a  criminal  case,  in  which 
there  seemed  to  be  little  chance  of  success.  By  dint 
of  hard  work  he  succeeded  in  gaining  the  case  and 
received  for  his  services  five  hundred  dollars.  A  legal 
friend,  calling  upon  him  next  morning,  found  him  sit 
ting  before  a  table  upon  which  his  money  was  spread. 

"  Look  here,  Judge,"  said  he,  "  see  what  a  heap  of 
money  I've  got  from  the case.  Did  you  ever  see 


Browne's  "  Life  of  Lincoln." 


84  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

anything  like  it?  Why,  I  never  had  so  much  money 
in  my  life  before,  put  it  all  together."  Then  crossing 
his  arms  across  the  table,  his  manner  sobering  down, 
he  added,  "  I  have  got  five  hundred  dollars;  if  it  were 
only  seven  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  I  would  go 
directly  and  purchase  a  quarter-section  of  land,  and 
settle  it  upon  my  old  stepmother." 

His  friend  said,  if  the  deficiency  was  all  he  needed, 
he  would  loan  him  the  amount,  taking  his  note,  to 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  instantly  acceded. 

His  friend  than  said  :  "  Lincoln,  I  would  not  do 
just  what  you  have  indicated.  Your  stepmother  is 
getting  old,  and  will  not  probably  live  many  years. 
I  would  settle  that  property  upon  her  for  her  use 
during  her  lifetime  to  revert  to  you  upon  her  death." 

With  much  feeling  Lincoln  replied:  "I  shall  do  no 
such  thing.  It  is  a  poor  return,  at  the  best,  for  all 
the  good  woman's  devotion  and  fidelity  to  me,  and 
there  is  not  going  to  be  any  half-way  business  about 
it ;"  and  so  saying,  he  gathered  up  his  money  and 
proceeded  to  carry  into  execution  his  long-cherished 
plan. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

LINCOLN  was  again  elected  to  the  Legislature  in, 
1838,  and  served  his  term  with  acceptance.  In  1840 
he  did  not  seek  a  re-election,  as  his  business  needed 
his  close  attention.  His  partner,  Major  Stuart,  had 
been  elected  to  Congress,  and  for  three  or  four  years 
he  had  attended  to  all  the  business  of  the  firm,  ren 
dering  a  scrupulous  account  of  every  transaction  to 
his  partner. 

In  1841  the  partnership  was  dissolved, and  he  entered 
the  office  of  Judge  Logan  as  junior  partner.  For  the 
first  time  he  was  associated  with  a  man  of  thorough 
scholarship  and  his  influence  was  just  that  of  which 
Lincoln  stood  most  in  need.  He  was  thus  led  to 
closer  study  and  to  take  a  deeper  and  broader  view 
of  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  his  profession. 

In  1840  he  had  acquired  sufficient  political  celeb 
rity  to  be  nominated  for  elector  on  the  Whig  ticket, 
and  he  spent  much  time  speaking  in  its  interests  dur 
ing  the  campaign  in  various  parts  of  the  State  and  in 
Indiana.  This  campaign,  known  as  the  "  log-cabin 
and  hard  cider"  campaign  was  the  most  unique  one 
ever  carried  on  in  the  country.  General  Harrison 
had  been  nominated  by  the  Whigs,  which  party  had 
been  disastrously  defeated  in  the  last  two  Presidential 
campaigns.  After  his  nomination  the  Democratic 
orators  made  slighting  allusions  to  his  obscure  origin 

(85) 


86  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

and  his  supposed  taste  for  hard  cider.  These  were 
seized  upon  as  the  rallying  cry  of  the  campaign,  and 
log-cabins  sprang  up,  as  if  by  the  stroke  of  a  magician  s 
wand,  in  every  part  of  the  country.  Many  of  these 
cabins  were  mounted  on  wheels,  and  drawn  from  one 
place  to  another,  amid  demonstrations  of  the  wildest 
enthusiasm,  in  a  sort  of  rude  triumphal  procession. 
The  by-word  and  reproach  of  the  enemy  became  the 
slogan  of  victory,  and  the  tide  set  strongly  in  favor  of 
the  Whigs. 

The  financial  measures  of  Van  Buren's  administra 
tion  had  been  of  such  a  character,  as  to  weaken,  for  a 
time,  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  Democratic 
policy  and  leaders,  and  Harrison  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority,  only  to  die  within  one  month  of  his 
inauguration. 

Lincoln  shared  in  the  prevailing  enthusiasm  and 
contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  the  vast  increase  in 
the  Whig  vote  in  Illinois.  His  peculiar  ability  in 
argument  and  discussion  was  often  called  into  play, 
and  several  times  he  was  pitted  against  Douglas,  who 
was  destined  to  be,  in  the  future,  his  opponent  in  the 
great  debates  that  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Eng 
lish-speaking  race.  The  discussions  were  more  in  the 
character  of  rough-and-tumble  contests  than  of  con 
flicts  between  trained  gladiators,  and  Lincoln  gen 
erally  carried  off  the  palm.  His  political  work  was 
performed  at  the  expense  of  his  legal  practice,  how 
ever,  and  at  the  end  of  the  campaign  he  found  him 
self  richer  in  political  influence,  but  with  a  financial 
loss  which  he  could  ill  afford. 

It  was  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  "Log-Cabin" 
campaign  that  he  met  Mary  Todd,  who  was  destined 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  87 

to  exercise  so  great  an  influence  over  his  after-life. 
She  had  recently  come  to  Springfield  from  Kentucky, 
her  former  home,  to  live  with  her  sister,  the  wife  of 
Ninian  W.  Edwards,  a  prominent  politician  and  lawyer, 
and  who  subsequently  became  Governor  of  the  State. 

She  was  descended  from  one  of  the  old  Kentucky 
families  of  high  respectability  and  aristocratic  con 
nections.  In  appearance  she  was  beautiful  and 
attractive,  of  high  culture  and  exceedingly  bright  in 
conversation.  She  joined  to  these  agreeable  attri 
butes  a  high  temper  and  a  great  ambition.  She  was 
once  heard  to  say  that  the  man  she  should  marry 
would  become  President.  Lincoln  became  infatuated 
with  her  wit  and  beauty,  and  began  to  pay  his 
addresses  to  her.  Douglas,  his  political  rival,  also 
entered  the  list  and  strove  for  the  favor  of  the  young 
stranger.  Personally  Lincoln  could  bear  no  com 
parison  with  Douglas,  yet  Miss  Todd  finally  chose 
him,  for  what  reason  it  would  be  difficult  to  tell,  since 
she  is  said  to  have  preferred  Douglas. 

Lincoln  was  accustomed  to  call  upon  her  at  the 
house  of  her  sister,  where  he  would  sit  for  hours  and 
listen  to  her  brilliant  conversation,  as  if  under  some 
magic  spell.  The  contrast  between  the  two  could 
hardly  have  been  greater,  both  physically  and  men 
tally.  In  one  thing  only  were  they  in  entire  harmony, 
and  that  was  ambition. 

General  Singleton,  who  was  a  young  lawyer  in 
Springfield  at  this  time,  tells  the  following  story  : 

"The  bevy  of  bright  young  ladies,  to  which  Miss  Todd 
belonged  before  her  marriage  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  used  to 
have  a  good  deal  of  sport  at  this  awkward  young 
man's  expense.  One  evening,  at  a  little  party,  Mr. 


88  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Lincoln    approached    Miss   Todd    and    said,    in    his 
peculiar  idiom  : 

"  Miss  Todd,  I  should  like  to  dance  with  you  the 
worst  way." 

The  young  lady  accepted  the  inevitable,  and 
hobbled  around  the  room  with  him.  When  Miss 
Todd  had  returned  to  her  seat,  one  of  her  mischievous 
companions  said  : 

"  Well,  Mary,  did  he  dance  with  you  in  the  worst 
way  ? " 

"  Yes,"  she  answered,  "  the  very  worst." 

His  courtship  was  distinguished  with  the  some 
what  novel  incident  of  a  challenge  to  fight  a  duel.  ' 

At  this  time  there  was  living  in  Springfield,  James 
Shields,  a  gallant,  hot-headed  bachelor,  from  Tyrone 
County,  Ireland.  Like  most  of  his  countrymen,  he 
was  an  ardent  Democrat,  and  he  was  also  a  great 
beau  in  society.  Miss  Todd,  full  of  spirit,  very  gay 
and  a  little  wild  and  mischievous,  published  in  the 
Sangamon  Journal,  under  the  name  of  "  Aunt 
Rebecca  of  the  Lost  Townships,"  some  amusing 
satirical  papers  ridiculing  the  susceptible  and  sensi 
tive  Irishman.  Indeed,  Shields  was  so  sensitive  he 
could  not  bear  ridicule,  and  would  much  rather  die 
than  be  laughed  at.  On  seeing  the  papers,  he  went 
at  once  to  Francis,  the  editor,  and  furiously  demanded 
the  name  of  the  author  declaring  that,  unless  the 
name  of  the  writer  was  given,  he  would  hold  the 
editor  personally  responsible.  Francis  was  a  large, 
broad  man,  and  Shields  was  very  thin  and  slim,  and  the 
editor  realized  that,  with  his  great  bulk,  it  would  be 


1  Arnold's  "  Life  of  Lincoln." 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  89 

very  unsafe  for  him  to  stand  in  front  of  Shields' 
pistol.  He  was  a  warm,  personal  and  political  friend 
of  Lincoln,  and,  knowing  the  relations  between  him 
and  Miss  Todd,  in  this  dilemma  he  disclosed  the  facts 
to  Lincoln,  and  asked  his  advice  and  counsel.  He 
was  not  willing  to  expose  the  lady's  name,  and 
yet  was  extremely  reluctant  himself  to  meet  the  fiery 
Irishman  in  the  field.  Lincoln  at  once  told  Francis 
to  tell  Shields  to  regard  him  as  the  author. 

The  Tazewell  Circuit  Court,  at  which  he  had 
several  cases  of  importance  to  try,  being  in  session, 
Lincoln  departed  for  Tremont,  the  county-seat.  As 
soon  as  Francis  had  notified  Shields  that  Lincoln  was 
the  author  of  the  papers,  he  and  his  second,  General 
Whitesides,  started  in  hot  pursuit  of  Lincoln.  Hear 
ing  this,  Dr.  Merryman  and  Lincoln's  old  friend, 
Butler,  started  also  for  Tremont,  "  to  prevent,"  as 
Merryman  said,  "  any  advantage  being  taken  of  Lin 
coln,  either  as  to  his  honor  or  his  life."  They  passed 
the  belligerent  Shields  and  Whitesides  in  the  night, 
and  arrived  at  Tremont  in  advance.  They  told  Lincoln 
what  was  coming,  and  he  replied,  that  he  was 
altogether  opposed  to  duelling,  and  would  do  any 
thing  to  avoid  it  that  would  not  degrade  him  in  the 
estimation  of  himself  and  of  his  friends,  but  if  a  fight 
were  the  only  alternative  of  such  degradation,  he 
would  fight. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  young  lady  having  heard  of 
the  demand  that  Shields  had  made,  wrote  another  let 
ter  in  which  she  said  : 

"  I  hear  the  way  of  these  fire-eaters  is  to  give  the 
challenged  party  the  choice  of  weapons,  which,  being 
the  case,  I'll  tell  you  in  confidence  that  I  never  fight 


90  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

with  anything  but  broomsticks,  or  hot  water,  or  a 
shovelful  of  coals,  the  former  of  which,  being  some 
thing  like  a  shillalah,  may  not  be  objectionable  to 
him." 

While  this  badinage  was  going  on,  Shields  had 
challenged  Lincoln,  and  the  challenge  had  been 
accepted.  The  weapons  decided  on  were  cavalry 
broadswords  of  the  largest  size,  and  a  place  of  meet 
ing  was  selected  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
within  three  miles  of  Alton.  The  principals,  and 
their  seconds  and  surgeons,  started  for  the  place  of 
meeting.  As  they  approached  the  river,  they  were 
joined  by  Colonel  Harding  and  others,  who  sought  to 
brirg  about  a  reconciliation.  Hostilities  were  sus 
pended.  Shields  was  induced  to  withdraw  the  chal 
lenge  and  satisfactory  explanations  were  made.  Lin 
coln  declared  that  the  obnoxious  articles  were  written 
solely  for  political  effect,  and  with  no  intention  of 
injuring  the  personal  or  private  character  of  Shields, 
and  so  the  parties  returned  reconciled.  With  very 
heavy  broadswords  under  the  conditions  of  this  meet 
ing,  Shields,  who  was  a  comparatively  weak  man, 
could  not  have  injured  Lincoln,  and  Lincoln  would 
not  have  injured  Shields.  If  the  meeting  had  taken 
place,  however,  nothing  but  a  tragedy  could  have  pre 
vented  its  being  a  farce." 

The  date  of  the  wedding  was  set,  and  the  invited 
guests  were  present.  The  bride  had  arrayed  herself 
in  her  bridal  robes,  but  Lincoln  failed  to  appear. 
The  bride  and  the  marriage-feast — but  no  bride 
groom.  After  waiting  some  hours,  the  guests  slowly 
took  their  departure,  the  bridal-robes  were  laid  aside, 
and  the  brilliantly  lighted  house  was  soon  in  dark- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  91 

ness.  As  the  time  for  the  wedding  had  approached, 
Lincoln  had  been  attacked  with  doubts  as  to  his  love 
for  Miss  Todd,  and  began  to  fear  that  he  would  com 
mit  a  great  wrong  if  he  married  her,  until  he  lapsed 
into  one  of  his  old  fits  of  melancholy,  which  so  closely 
resembled  insanity.  For  weeks  the  burden  of  his 
misery  seemed  greater  than  he  could  bear,  and  his 
friends,  fearing  that  he  might  be  tempted  to  take  his 
own  life,  stayed  faithfully  with  him  until  his  bosom- 
friend,  Joshua  F.  Speed,  invited  him  to  spend  a  few 
months  with  him  in  his  old  home  in  Kentucky. 
Thither  he  went  and  spent  some  months  of  restful 
quiet.  Speed's  home  was  on  a  great  estate  a  few 
miles  from  Louisville,  and  not  far  from  Lincoln's 
earliest  home.  The  peaceful  surroundings  and  rest 
ful  comforts  were  just  what  the  overwrought  young 
lawyer  needed  to  restore  his  mental  equilibrium. 

In  a  few  months  he  returned  to  Springfield,  and 
took  up  his  work  again.  For  some  time  he  held  no 
communication  with  Miss  Todd,  who,  after  she  had 
recovered  somewhat  from  the  mortification  resulting 
from  his  desertion,  had  broken  the  engagement. 

He  felt  great  solicitude  for  her,  and  deplored  deeply 
the  injury  he  had  done  her.  In  some  way,  through 
the  contrivance  of  a  mutual  friend,  they  were  brought 
together  again,  the  old  relations  were  resumed,  and 
the  past  was  forgotten,  at  least  forgiven. 

November  4,  1842,  they  were  married  in  the  pres 
ence  of  a  large  concourse  of  friends,  and  with  the  im 
pressive  ceremonies  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  a  form 
that  had  never  been  used  in  Springfield  before, 
and  which  attracted  much  attention. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  went  to  live  at  a  hotel,  where 


92  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN; 

they  remained  for  three  or  four  years,  paying  four 
dollars  a  week  for  their  accommodations.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  then  bought  a  small,  but  cheery  and  comfor 
table  house  of  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Dresser,  where 
they  lived  until  they  removed  to  Washington  to 
occupy  the  White  House. 

After    the   campaign   of     1840,    Mr.    Lincoln    had 
returned  to  his  law  practice,  but  the  charm  of  politics 
had  begun  to  exert  its  sway  over  him,  and  he  became 
more  and  more  desirous  of  political  preferment.     In 
1842  he   planned  to  secure  the  nomination  for  Con 
gress  from  the  Springfield  district,  but  was  compelled 
to  withdraw  in  favor  of  his  friend,  Edward  D.  Baker, 
who  secured  the  support  of  the  delegates  from  San- 
gamon    County  of  whom    Lincoln,   contrary  to  his 
wish,  was  one.     He  remarked  that  his  case  was  much 
like  the  young  man  who  had   a  successful  rival  for 
!  the  affections  of  a  young  lady  in  whom  he  was  inter- 
j  ested,  and  was  afterwards  invited   to  act  as  grooms- 
\^man  at  the  wedding. 

At  the  convention,  however,  Mr.  Baker  lost  the 
nomination,  which  was  given  to  John  J.  Hardin,  a 
strong  and  talented  man,  who  represented  the  dis 
trict  honorably  for  the  next  two  years.  In  1844 
came  the  Presidential  canvass,  in  which  Henry  Clay, 
the  idol  of  the  Whig  party,  was  defeated,  and  James 
K.  Polk  was  elected,  almost  as  much  to  the  surprise 
of  the  Democrats,  as  to  the  Whigs. 

Lincoln,  being  considered  the  Whig  leader  in  Illi 
nois,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  electoral  ticket, 
and  again  made  an  active  canvass  of  Illinois  and  a  part 
of  Indiana.  During  the  canvass  he  made  a  speech 
in  Gentryville,  which  was  near  his  former  home. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  93 

While  in  the  midst  of  his  speech,  an  old  friend,  Nate 
Grigsby,  entered  the  room.  Lincoln  recognized  him 
on  the  instant,  and,  stopping  short  in  his  speech,  cried 
out,  "  There's  Nate."  Without  the  slightest  regard 
for  the  propriety  of  the  occasion,  he  suspended  his 
address  totally,  and,  striding  from  the  platform,  began 
scrambling  through  the  audience,  and  over  the 
benches  towards  the  modest  Nate,  who  stood  near  the 
door.  When  he  reached  him,  Lincoln  shook  his  hand 
cordially,  and,  after  felicitating  himself  sufficiently 
upon  the  happy  meeting,  he  returned  to  the  platform 
and  finished  his  speech. 

There  was  scarcely  a  character  in  American  history 
for  whom  Lincoln  entertained  a  more  enthusiastic  ven 
eration,  than  for  Henry  Clay.  This,  no  doubt,  was 
due  in  part  to  the  biography  which  he  had  so  eagerly 
read  in  his  childhood,  since  which  time  he  had  been 
a  constant  worshiper  at  the  altar  of  the  Southern 
sage.  Hence  he  entered  into  the  campaign  with  un 
usual  vigor  and  enthusiasm,  and  his  disappointment  at 
the  result  was  deep  and  bitter.  Indeed,  the  defeat 
totally  demoralized  the  Whig  party  for  a  time,  and  it 
hardly  seemed  probable  that  it  would  ever  recover 
from  the  shock  sufficiently  to  enter  into  the  next  cam 
paign.  But  the  events  of  Folk's  administration 
unexpectedly  brought  about  a  Democratic  defeat, 
and  General  Taylor,  the  Whig  candidate,  was  elected 
in  1848,  more  as  a  result  of  Democratic  demoraliza 
tion  than  of  Whig  strength. 

Lincoln  and  his  partner,  Judge  Logan,  were  both 
of  them  prominent  Whigs,  and  to  a  considerable 
extent  rivals  for  political  preferment.  Hence  their 
relations  to  each  other  became  somewhat  strained. 


94  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Logan  believed  that  his  claims  should  be  preferred 
on  account  of  his  age  and  acknowledged  ability. 
Lincoln  based  his  claim  upon  his  active  services  and 
great  influence.  As  a  result  of  their  strained  rela 
tions  the  partnership  was  dissolved,  September  20, 
1843,  and  on  the  same  day  Lincoln  entered  into  a  part 
nership  with  William  H.  Herndon,  a  young  lawyer 
and  a  relative  of  one  of  the  Clary's  Grove  boys,  who 
had  always  remained  his  warm  friends.  The  firm 
was  known  under  the  name  of  "  Lincoln  &  Herndon," 
and  continued  to  exist  until  the  senior  member  was 
removed  by  the  assassin's  bullet. 

In  1846  Lincoln  received  the  long-coveted  honor, 
and  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  Thirtieth  Congress, 
being  the  only  Whig  representative  from  Illinois.  In 
the  nominating  convention,  Mr.  Hardin  sought  a 
renomination,  but  finally  withdrew  in  Lincoln's  favor. 

His  competitor,  on  the  Democratic  ticket,  was  the 
Rev.  Peter  Cartwright,  the  well-known  and  popular 
preacher.  There  was  hardly  a  Methodist  Congrega 
tion  in  Illinois  to  which  he  had  not  preached,  and  his 
name  was  a  family  word  all  over  the  State.  By  his 
eccentricity  and  eminent  ability,  which  was  coupled 
with  a  bluff  good-humor  and  warm  interest  in  the 
welfare,  spritual  and  material,  of  those  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact,  he  had  gained  a  great  influence  in 
the  community,  and  was  undoubtedly  the  strongest 
candidate  the  Democrats  could  have  selected.  It  was 
believed  that  aside  from  his  political  support  he 
would  receive  the  votes  of  the  church  people,  irre 
spective  of  party  affiliations. 

Lincoln  was  seldom  seen  inside  of  a  church,  and, 
though  he  had  a  deep  reverence  for  true  religion  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  95 

an  abiding  faith  in  God,  the  report  was  widely  circu 
lated  that  he  was,  if  not  an  atheist,  at  least  out  of 
sympathy  with  all  things  religious,  and  some  of  his 
public  utterances,  which  were  susceptible  of  such  an 
interpretation,  were  cited  against  him. 

What  his  religious  belief  was  at  this  time  probably 
no  one  knows,  and  perhaps  he  had  never  formulated 
one.  But  he  was  a  deep  student  of  the  Bible,  and 
was  far  more  familiar  with  it  than  with  his  law-books. 
Its  principles  wielded  a  lasting  influence  upon  his  life, 
and  the  latter  part  of  his  career  proves  that  he  was 
sustained  by  an  unfaltering  trust  in  God,  and  belief  in 
the  efficacy  of  prayer,  else  he  could  never  have  car 
ried  his  great  burden  without  falling. 

The  agencies  arrayed  against  him  in  this  struggle 
were  powerful,  but  his  personal  popularity,  and  the 
confidence  of  the  people  in  his  ability  and  uncompro 
mising  honesty  triumphed,  and  he  was  elected  by  the 
largest  majority  probably  ever  given  a  Whig  candi 
date  in  that  district. 

In  1847  he  took  his  seat  in  Congress,  and  from  that 
time  on  became  a  notable  figure  in  national  politics. 
In  this  session  of  Congress  he  was  associated  with 
many  men  who  were  destined  to  figure  prominently 
in  national  affairs  in  coming  years.  In  the  House 
were  ex-President  John  Quincy  Adams,  whose  long 
and  honorable  career  was  nearly  ended,  Alexander 
H.  Stephens,  the  future  Vice-President  of  the  Confed 
eracy,  Robert  Toombsand  Cobb.  In  the  Senate,  the 
great  orator  and  statesman,  Daniel  Webster  still  lin 
gered  with  such  men  as  Simon  Cameron,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  Lewis  Cass  and  Jefferson  Davis. 

In  Congress  Lincoln  soon  gained  the  reputation  of 


96  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN 

being  an  able  and  effective  speaker,  and  exhibited 
much  shrewdness  and  political  wisdom  in  his  Con 
gressional  relations.  Whenever  he  addressed  the 
House  he  secured  and  retained  the  attention  of  all,  a 
fact  indicative  of  more  than  common  merit,  when  the 
usual  procedure  of  the  House  is  remembered.  His 
first  speech  in  Congress  was  upon  an  unimportant  sub 
ject,  and  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  "  getting  the 
hang  of  the  House,"  as  he  afterwards  wrote  to  Mr. 
Herndon,  remarking  that  he  "  found  speaking  here 
and  elsewhere  much  the  same." 

During  his  term  the  Mexican  war  was  begun,  and 
he  was  naturally  arrayed  with  the  opposition  against 
the  Administration.  With  the  rest  of  his  party  he 
believed  the  war  to  be  without  just  cause,  and  to  be 
carried  on  entirely  in  the  interests  of  the  pro-slavery 
party,  in  order  that  more  slave  States  might  be  added 
to  the  Union,  and  the  preponderating  influences  of 
the  Southern  States  be  maintained.  The  slave  power 
had  long  been  aggressive  and  generally  triumphant. 
For  many  years  no  Administration  had  dared  oppose 
it,  and  it  generally  held  the  balance  of  power  in  the 
Councils  of  the  Nation. 

The  Southern  people  had  long  viewed  with  alarm 
the  growth  and  development  of  the  North-East,  and 
the  consequent  increase  in  the  number  of  free  States. 
The  Southern  leaders  saw  their  ascendency  slowly  but 
surely  slipping  from  them,  and  to  maintain  it  securely, 
they  determined  upon  the  annexation  of  the  contig 
uous  Mexican  territory.  And  largely  by  their  influ 
ence,  assisted  by  political  revolutions  and  entangle 
ments  in  Mexico,  the  war  was  brought  about. 

After  the  declaration  of  war,  the  Whigs  found  them- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  97 

selves  in  a  dilemma,  either  horn  of  which  was  an 
embarrassing  one.  If  they  voted  in  favor  of  war 
measures,  they  violated  their  oft-expressed  principles  ; 
if  they  voted  against  them,  they  found  themselves  in 
the  position  of  working  against  the  Government,  and 
liable  to  the  charge  of  unpatriotic  and  treasonable 
conduct.  Some  of  their  representatives  strove  to 
avoid  the  issue  by  absenting  themselves,  when  the 
war  measures  were  put  to  vote,  others  sturdily  main 
tained  their  political  principles,  and  consistently 
opposed  the  administration,  while  others,  and  among 
them  was  Lincoln,  although  condemning  the  princi 
ple  of  the  war,  sustained  the  administration  in  all 
things  wherein  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  country 
were  concerned. 

The  position  which  he  took  was  one  that  com 
mended  itself  to  the  better  sense  of  the  people,  but 
was  quickly  taken  advantage  of  by  his  political  ene 
mies  to  create  a  prejudice  against  him.  In  1858,  in 
one  of  the  great  debates,  Judge  Douglas  spoke  of 
Lincoln's  having  "  distinguished  himself  in  Congress 
by  his  opposition  to  the  Mexican  war,  taking  the  side 
of  the  common  enemy  against  his  country."  In  reply, 
Mr.  Lincoln  said  : 

"  The  Judge  charges  me  with  having,  while  in  Con 
gress,  opposed  our  soldiers  who  were  fighting  in  the 
Mexican  war.  I  will  tell  you  what  he  can  prove  by 
referring  to  the  record.  You  remember,  I  was  an  old 
Whig ;  and  whenever  the  Democratic  party  tried  to 
get  me  to  vote  that  the  war  had  been  righteously 
begun  by  the  President,  I  would  not  do  it.  But 
whenever  they  asked  for  any  money  or  land-warrants, 
or  anything  to  pay  the  soldiers,  I  gave  the  same  vote 


9  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

that  Judge  Douglas  did.  Such  is  the  truth,  and  the 
Judge  has  the  right  to  make  all  he  can  out  of  it." 

On  July  27,  1848,  he  made  a  strong  and  effective 
speech  on  "  The  Presidency  and  General  Politics." 
He  spent  considerable  time  in  ridiculing  General 
Cass,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 
He  showed  vividly,  and  often  humorously,  the  short 
comings  and  unwarranted  pretensions  of  the  General, 
and  raised  many  a  laugh  at  his  expense.  While  it 
was  an  able  effort,  it  was  intended  mainly  for  political 
effect,  and  seems  to  have  been  sadly  out  of  place  in 
the  great  council  of  the  nation. 

During  the  session  he  introduced  a  bill  for  the 
gradual  and  compensated  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  but  the  state  of  public  affairs  at 
that  time  was  so  disturbed  that  the  bill  was  not 
brought  before  the  House  for  consideration. 

After  the  close  of  the  session,  and  the  inauguration 
of  General  Taylor,  he  became  a  candidate  for  the 
position  of  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office, 
and  actively  exerted  himself  to  secure  the  honor.  All 
the  influence  he  could  summom  was  brought  to  bear 
to  obtain  the  coveted  honor,  and  the  President  seemed, 
personally,  to  favor  him  ;  but  a  Mr.  Justin  Butterfield, 
of  Chicago,  was  finally  appointed.  While  the 
appointment  was  still  uncertain  he  went  to  Washing 
ton  to  urge  his  claims  in  person.  His  appearance 
was  characteristic,  but  hardly  prepossessing.  He  was 
six  feet  four  inches  in  height,  and  when  he  stepped 
from  the  train,  he  was  dressed  in  a  suit  of  light  sum 
mer  clothing  with  an  old  linen  duster  on,  neither 
well-fitting  nor  clean.  His  pants  came  only  to  his 
ankles,  showing  the  woolen  socks  above  his  coarse 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  99 

brogans.  With  his  great  length  of  limb  and  ill-fitting 
garments  he  was  a  noticeable  object  in  the  street,  but 
there  was  something  in  his  general  mien,  as  well  as  in 
the  expression  of  his  face,  notwithstanding  the  sad 
ness  and  gloom  apparent  there,  that  made  him  a 
marked  man,  and  led  those  who  saw  him,  to  feel  that 
he  was  of  no  ordinary  mould. 

He  was  deeply  disappointed  and  chagrined  at  his 
failure,  and  afterwards  adverted  to  it,  when,  during 
his  Presidential  term,  he  was  asked  to  give  an 
appointment  to  the  son  of  his  successful  rival.  When 
the  application  was  presented,  the  President  paused 
and,  after  a  moment's  silence  said  : 

"  Mr.  Justin  Butterfield  once  obtained  an  appoint 
ment  I  very  much  wanted,  and  in  which  my  friends 
believed  I  could  have  been  useful,  and  to  which  they 
thought  I  was  fairly  entitled ;  and  I  hardly  ever 
felt  so  bad  at  any  failure  in  my  life.  But  I  am  glad 
of  an  opportunity  of  doing  a  service  to  his  son." 
And  he  gave  an  order  for  his  commission. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

LINCOLN  would  unquestionably  have  been  glad  to 
return  to  Congress  for  another  term,  for  the  life  and 
duties  at  Washington  were  far  more  attractive  to  him 
than  his  law  business.  For  certain  reasons  he  felt 
disinclined  to  seek  the  nomination,  and,  as  his  course 
in  Washington  had  not  been  generally  popular  among 
his  constituents,  he  failed  to  secure  a  renomination. 

Upon  his  return  to  Springfield,  he  applied  himself 
closely  to  his  law-practice,  and  from  1849  to  1859  was 
actively  engaged  in  it.  Though  taking  part  in  the  polit 
ical  movements  of  the  day,  with  more  or  less  interest, 
he  held  no  important  public  office  during  that  time.  It 
was  largely  a  period  of  preparation,  during  which  he 
was  finding  out  the  ground  upon  which  he  stood,  and 
his  principles  were  becoming  more  fully  developed 
and  established.  It  was  an  important  and  interesting 
period,  and  one  in  which  his  intellectual  and  moral 
growth  were  plain.  He  was  analyzing  the  political 
situation,  and  defining  more  clearly  to  himself  its 
vital  points.  Many  of  his  most  eloquent  speeches 
and  finest  sayings  were  uttered  during  this  time,  and 
much  that  is  immortal  in  literature  issued  from  his  pen. 

During  his  Congressional  term  the  affairs  of-  the 
firm  had  been  conducted  by  the  junior  member,  so 
that,  when  he  returned,  he  found  a  flourishing  busi 
ness  ready  to  be  taken  up.  He  entered  into  his  labor 

(100) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  IOI 

with  great  earnestness,  as  if  his  profession  afforded  a 
pleasing  change  from  the  responsibilitesand  frictions 
of  a  political  life.  It  was  during  this  time  that  he 
largely  earned  his  legal  reputation,  which  gradually 
extended  beyond  the  borders  of  the  State. 

Had  he  died  in  1849,  he  would  have  been  unknown 
to  posterity.  Had  this  event  occurred  in  1859,  he 
would  have  occupied  a  position  in  the  history  of  the 
State,  second  only  to  Douglas,  perhaps  surpassing 
even  him. 

His  character  as  a  lawyer  was  in  many  respects 
unique.  He  would  never  undertake  a  case  unless 
reasonably  certain  that  the  cause  was  a  just  one. 
And  he  was  several  times  known  to  surrender  a  case 
in  the  midst  of  a  trial  when  unexpectedly  convinced 
that  his  client  was  in  the  wrong.1 

"  At  a  term  of  court  in  Logan  county,  a  man 
named  Hoblet  had  brought  suit  against  a  man  named 
Farmer.  The  suit  had  been  appealed  from  a  justice 
of  the  peace,  and  Lincoln  knew  nothing  of  it  until  he 
was  retained  by  Hoblet  to  try  the  case  in  the  Circuit 
Court.  Judge  Treat,  afterwards  on  the  United  States 
bench,  was  the  presiding  judge  at  the  trial.  Lincoln's 
client  went  upon  the  witness-stand  and  testified  to 
the  account  he  had  against  the  defendant,  gave  the 
amount  due,  after  allowing  all  credits  and  set-offs, 
and  swore  positively  that  it  had  not  been  paid.  The 
attorney  for  the  defendant  simply  produced  a  receipt 
in  full,  signed  by  Hoblet  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the 
case.  Hoblet  had  to  admit  the  signing  of  the  receipt, 
but  told  Lincoln  he  supposed  the  defendant  had  lost 


Browne. 


IO2  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

it.  Lincoln  at  once  arose  and  left  the  court-room. 
The  judge  told  the  parties  to  proceed  with  the  case  ; 
and  Lincoln  not  appearing,  he  directed  a  bailiff  to  go 
to  the  hotel  and  call  him.  The  bailiff  ran  across  the 
street  to  the  hotel,  and  found  Lincoln  sitting  in  the 
office  with  his  feet  on  the  stove,  apparently  in  a  deep 
study,  when  he  interrupted  him  with  :  '  Mr.  Lincoln, 
the  Judge  wants  you.'  *  Oh,  does  he  ? '  replied  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  '  Well,  you  go  back  and  tell  the  Judge  1  can 
not  come.  Tell  him  I  have  to  wash  my  hands'  The 
bailiff  returned  with  the  message,  and  Lincoln's  client 
suffered  a  non-suit.  It  was  Lincoln's  way  of  saying 
that  he  wanted  nothing  more  to  do  with  such  a 
case." 

He  was  entirely  innocent  of  all  the  tricks,  which  so 
many  lawyers  use  to  influence  judge  or  jury.  In  his 
conduct  of  a  case  he  was  always  straightforward  and 
honest,  often  conceding  points  which  the  opposition 
had  difficulty  in  establishing,  apparently  against  his 
own  interest,  but  the  vital  points  he  always  grasped 
with  unerring  precision  and  presented  them  so  clearly 
and  pointedly  that  he  seldom  failed  to  win  his  case. 

There  were  many  of  his  associates  who  excelled  him 
in  knowledge  of  the  details  of  the  law,  but  few  who 
could  seize  and  apply  a  general  principle  so  forcibly 
and  appropriately. 

He  practiced  not  only  in  the  common  courts,  but 
also  in  the  Supreme,  District  and  Circuit  courts,  and 
had  equal  success  in  them  all.  When  he  had  an  im 
portant  case,  or  one  in  which  some  great  principle  was 
involved,  he  was  absolutely  invincible,  asking  compar 
atively  few  questions  but  such  as  would  elicit  facts 
directly  bearing  upon  the  case  in  hand.  When  he 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  103 

addressed  the  jury,  his  view  of  the  testimony  was  so 
pointed  and  straightforward  as  to  carry  conviction. 

He  sometimes  became  so  eloquent  in  his  address  to 
the  jury  that  he  moved  the  whole  audience,  judge, 
jury  and  spectators,  to  tears.  At  such  times  he  was 
exceedingly  impressive.  His  tall  figure,  now  drawn 
up  to  its  full  height,  and  then  bent  over  until  his 
hands  nearly  touched  the  floor,  acquired  an  unusual 
dignity.  His  gestures  were  simple,  but  exceedingly 
striking,  while  he  would  give  utterance  to  vivid 
descriptions,  or  paint  the  sufferings  and  adversities  of 
his  client  in  living  colors. 

Though  holding  himself  from  active  participation 
in  political  affairs,  he  never  faltered  in  his  interest, 
and  ardently  longed  to  reenter  the  arena,  yet  he 
patiently  bided  his  time,  and  when  the  supreme 
opportunity  came,  he  was  ready  and  fitted  to  the  utter 
most  to  take  advantage  of  it. 

During  the  campaign  of  1852,  he  made  a  few 
speeches  for  General  Scott,  the  Whig  candidate,  but 
they  were  not  marked  by  much  display  of  ability. 
Douglas,  in  opening  the  campaign  for  the  Democrats, 
at  Baltimore,  had  made  an  exceedingly  partisan 
speech,  and  one  which  contained  many  utterances 
upon  slavery  which  were  obnoxious  to  the  people  of 
Illinois.  Lincoln  was  asked  to  reply  to  the  state 
ments  and  arguments  of  Douglas,  but  for  some  rea 
son  made  one  of  the  poorest  and  least  effective 
speeches  of  his  life,  failing  to  make  an  impression 
upon  his  audience. 

Slavery  had  always  been  the  great  disturbing  ele 
ment  in  American  politics.  More  than  any  other 
issue,  it  had  tended  to  divide  the  people  on  sectional 


104  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

lines,  and  was  always  developing  and  fomenting  hos 
tility  between  them. 

In  colonial  times  it  had  secured  a  foothold,  not 
because  the  colonists  specially  desired  or  needed  it, 
but  because  it  suited  the  interests  of  European  slave- 
traders  to  encourage  its  growth  in  the  New  World. 
It  was  the  survival  of  an  Old  World  custom,  which,  in 
former  times,  had  obtained  in  every  civilized  country. 
It  was  like  a  serpent  charming  its  conscious  victim 
only  to  destroy  him.  In  every  country  property 
declined  in  exact  ratio  to  the  advance  of  slavery. 
The  more  extensively  the  system  was  developed,  the 
weaker  the  country  became,  and  more  than  one  great 
power  fell  in  utter  ruin  because  the  slave-power 
became  predominant. 

As  civilization  advanced  in  Europe,  slavery  became 
more  and  more  distasteful  to  the  people,  until  the 
nefarious  trade,  which  had  been  a  mine  of  wealth, 
almost  ceased.  In  order  that  a  better  market  might 
be  opened  up,  the  institution  was  forced  upon  the 
American  colonies  and,  England,  who  could  not  toler 
ate  the  blight  on  her  own  fair  soil,  even  abetted  its 
introduction  into  her  colonies.  For  a  time  it  lan 
guished  and  several  petitions  were  handed  into  the 
Crown  looking  towards  a  prohibition  of  the  traffic, 
but  George  III.  received  them  in  contemptuous 
silence,  and  did  nothing  to  prevent  or  even  to  check  it 
in  any  way. 

The  peculiar  conditions  of  climate  and  soil  in  the 
Southern  States  rendered  slave  labor  both  agreeable 
to  the  people  and  profitable.  The  climate  was  so  hot 
as  to  discourage  active  effort  on  the  part  of  the  white 
man,  but  was  adapted  to  call  out  the  best  energies  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  105 

the  warm-blooded  African.  The  products,  too,  could 
be  raised  to  advantage  in  large  plantations,  which 
would  require  the  labor  of  hundreds  of  men  to  culti 
vate.  As  land  was  plenty,  the  population  sparse,  and 
the  products  in  good  demand,  especially  after  the 
invention  of  the  cotton-gin,  made  that  material  avail 
able  for  the  manufacture  of  a  cheap  fabric,  the  landed 
proprietors  gradually  acquired  great  estates,  requir 
ing  hundreds  of  laborers  to  till  them. 

Thus  the  system  became  firmly  rooted,  and  seemed 
to  be  an  absolute  necessity  to  the  indolent  and  aristo 
cratic  Southerners.  They  had  no  difficulty  in  persuad 
ing  themselves  that  slavery  was  morally  and  legally 
right,  and  were  ready  to  defend  it  with  their  best 
efforts,  and  even  with  their  lives,  if  necessary.  What 
the  fathers  looked  askance  upon,  the  sons  came  to 
regard  as  a  right,  and  succeeding  generations  as  a 
fixed  institution  which  it  was  treason  to  attack.  It 
was  but  natural  that  each  assault  upon  it  should  in 
trench  them  more  firmly  in  their  position,  and  widen 
the  breach  between  them  and  their  Northern  neigh 
bors. 

They  early  learned  that,  when  they  were  compelled 
to  assume  the  defensive,  they  were  at  a  disadvantage, 
hence  they  became  aggressive  and  combative,  in 
society  as  well  as  in  the  State  and  national  councils, 
making  their  pet  institution  the  dominant  question, 
and  were  ready  to  do  battle  for  it  even  when  no  one 
attacked. 

The  political  situation,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  had  been  so  confused,  and  the 
grounds  for  dissension  so  numerous,  that  the  inser 
tion  of  a  clause  forbidding  slavery  would  have 


106  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

insured  its  rejection.  Yet  the  majority  of  its  fram- 
ers  were  undoubtedly  opposed  to  the  institution  and 
believed  that  the  best  welfare  of  the  nation  would  be 
subserved  by  its  abolition,  to  such  an  extent  that  they 
made  it  possible  for  the  Government  to  prevent  the 
importation  of  slaves,  after  twenty  years  had  elapsed, 
by  a  special  provision. 

Through  the  efforts  of  Henry  Clay,  during  the 
administration  of  Monroe,  Missouri  was  admitted  to 
the  Union  as  a  slave  State  in  1821,  but  the  extension 
of  slavery  in  all  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  river 
and  north  of  the  southern  boundary  of  Missouri,  lati 
tude  36°,  30",  was  forever  forbidden.  This  seemed  to 
assure  the  development  into  free  States  of  the  vast 
territory  of  the  North-west,  and  to  seal  the  final  doom 
of  slavery.  For,  as  the  North-west  should  gradually 
be  populated  and  organized  into  free  States,  the 
balance  of  power  would  pass  from  the  slave  to  the 
free  States,  and  the  latter  would  have  it  in  their  power 
to  crush  the  institution  out  of  existence. 

But  the  South  would  not  give  up  without  a  strug 
gle.  Avast  territory  was  acquired  from  Mexico,  and 
the  question  of  its  organization  came  up  in  Congress 
in  1850  for  settlement.  The  "  irrepressible  conflict" 
broke  out  afresh,  and  again  the  representatives  of 
freedom  and  slavery  were  pitted  against  each  other. 
The  conflict  resulted  in  a  compromise,  again  estab 
lished  through  the  efforts  of  Clay.  California  was  to 
be  admitted  as  a  free  State.  Territorial  governments 
were  to  be  organized  in  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  and 
slavery  was  to  be  tacitly  admitted.  Texas'  claim  to 
nearly  ninety  square  miles,  north  of  the  parallel  of 
36°,  30 'was  to  be  recognized,  and  slavery  was  to  be 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  IO7 

extended  into  it.  Ten  millions  of  dollars  were  to  be 
paid  to  Texas  as  compensation  for  the  territory  of 
New  Mexico.  The  slave-trade  was  to  be  abolished  in 
Washington,  but  a  new  fugitive-slave  law,  more 
stringent  and  inhuman  than  any  before  enacted,  was 
placed  upon  the  national  statute  books.  Evidently 
the  South  would  not  rest  content  with  this  success, 
and  both  sides  began  to  prepare  for  the  more  deadly 
conflict  which  was  to  ensue. 

The  Thirty-third  Congress  assembled  December  5, 
1853.  One  of  the  Senators  from  Illinois  was  Stephen 
Arnold  Douglas,  whose  name  was  destined  to  become 
a  noted  one  in  American  history.  He  was  a 
native  of  Vermont,  but  had  emigrated  to  Illinois 
in  1833,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  feeble,  friendless  and 
almost  penniless,  seeking  bread  and  a  career  in  the 
great  West. 

The  history  of  his  subsequent  life  reveals  a  marvel 
ous  career.  Success  greeted  his  every  effort,  and 
glory  and  renown  came  at  his  bidding.  At  the  age 
of  twenty-one  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  where  he 
made  such  rapid  progress  that  only  one  year  later  he 
stood  at  the  head  of  his  profession  in  his  district.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-three  he  was  a  member  of  the 
State  Legislature  ;  at  twenty-seven  he  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State  in  Illinois  ;  at  twenty-eight,  Judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  At  thirty  he  was  a  Member 
of  Congress,  and  at  thirty-two  United  States  Senator, 
and  recognized  as  the  leader  of  the  great  Democratic 
party.  At  forty-three  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  nom 
ination  to  the  Presidency,  and  was  nominated  at 
forty-six,  but  was  defeated  by  an  irreconcilable 
division  in  his  party.  In  his  forty-eighth  year  he 


108  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

died  in  the  prime  of  life,  yet  with  a  well-rounded 
career  behind  him. 

His  life  is  inseparably  connected  with  that  of  Lin 
coln.  They  were  both  admitted  to  the  bar  in  the 
same  year,  and  often  practiced  in  the  same  courts. 
They  served  in  the  Legislature  together,  and  were 
afterwards  rivals  for  the  hand  of  the  same  lady. 
Senatorial  honors  were  contested  for  between  them  in 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  State  campaigns  ever  carried 
on.  And  finally  they  became  rival  candidates  for  the 
Presidency,  and  both  died  prematurely  at  apparently 
the  very  culminating  point  of  their  careers,  and  for 
each  the  country  mourned  irrespective  of  party.  In 
all  things  they  were  consistently  opposed  to  each 
other,  yet  each  entertained  a  profound  respect  and 
admiration  for  the  other,  if  not  a  feeling  of  genuine 
friendship. 

The  contrast  between  the  two  was  in  every  way 
most  striking,  with  all  the  advantage,  to  a  superficial 
observer,  on  the  side  of  Douglas.  Lincoln  expressed 
one  phase  of  this  contrast  very  forcibly  in  a  speech  at 
Springfield,  July,  17,  1858,  during  the  Senatorial 
canvass  : 

"There  is  still  another  disadvantage," -said  he, 
"  under  which  we  (the  Republicans)  labor.  It  arises 
out  of  the  relative  positions  of  the  two  persons  who 
stand  before  the  State  as  candidates  for  the  Senate. 
Senator  Douglas  is  of  world-wide  renown.  All  the 
anxious  politicians  of  his  party,  or  who  have  been  of 
his  party  for  years  past,  have  been  looking  upon  him 
as  certainly,  at  no  distant  day,  to  be  President  of  the 
United  States.  They  have  seen  in  his  round,  jolly, 
fruitful  face,  post-offices,  land-offices,  marshalships 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  109 

and  cabinet  appointments  bursting  and  sprouting  out 
in  a  wonderful  exuberance,  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of 
by  their  greedy  hands. 

"  On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  ever  expected  me  to 
be  President.  In  my  poor,  lean,  lank  face  nobody  has 
ever  seen  that  any  cabbages  were  sprouting  out." 

In  this  session  of  Congress  Douglas  introduced  a 
bill  for  the  organization  of  the  Territories  of  Kansas 
and  Nebraska,  which  became  the  absorbing  topic  of 
thought  and  conversation  all  over  the  land,  the  one 
issue  which  overshadowed  all  others. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  as  it  was  called,  contem 
plated  the  organization  of  these  Territories  into 
States,  without  insisting  upon  the  prohibition  of 
slavery,  which  the  Missouri  compromise  had  estab 
lished.  Indeed,  it  was  a  virtual  nullification  of  that 
compromise.  The  measure  took  the  country  by  sur 
prise.  It  had  not  been  demanded  by  the  South,  nor 
expected  by  the  North,  but  each  entered  heart  and 
soul  into  the  controversy. 

Douglas  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  procure  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  and  was  seconded  by  others,  who, 
if  inferior  to  him  in  ability,  were  equal  in  enthusiasm, 
and  the  bill  finally  passed  the  Senate  by  a  small 
majority,  despite  the  efforts  of  those  grand  apostles 
of  freedom,  Sumner,  Chase  and  Seward,  who  were 
arrayed  against  it.  The  struggle  in  the  House  was 
prolonged,  but  the  bill  was  finally  successful,  and 
became  a  law.  Thus  at  a  single  blow  the  whole 
statutory  opposition  to  the  spread  of  slavery  was 
swept  away,  and  there  was  nothing  to  hinder  the 
introduction  of  the  institution  into  any  territory  over 
which  the  American  flag  floated.  Especially  since, 


110  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  the  Supreme  Court  had 
decided  slavery  to  be  constitutional.  For  the  moment 
the  slave-power  seemed  to  be  absolutely  triumphant, 
but  its  very  success  was  a  potent  element  in  its 
overthrow. 

As  a  result  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  "  squatter- 
sovereignty  "  was  proclaimed  in  the  disputed  terri 
tory.  This  term,  which  was  widely  used,  contained 
the  essence  of  the  new  policy  promulgated  by  Douglas 
as  the  central  principle  of  his  party.  It  was  in  effect 
that  each  State  was  sovereign,  within  its  own  limits, 
and  had  the  power  to  adopt  or  exclude  slavery  as  it 
desired.  Hence  each  State  was  to  decide  upon  its 
status,  in  regard  to  the  institution,  by  ballot.  The 
new  doctrine  was  tersely  summed  up  by  Lincoln  in  a 
speech  at  Springfield  as  follows:  "  That  if  any  one 
man  choose  to  enslave  another,  no  third  man  shall  be 
allowed  to  object."  The  argument  used  by  Douglas 
was  incorporated  in  the  bill  in  the  following  language: 
"  It  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act 
not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom;  but  to  leave  the  people 
thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  subsequent  agitation  in  Kansas,  resulting  in 
bloodshed  and  mob-violence,  and  the  final  admission 
of  the  Territories  as  free  States,  are  familiar  to  every 
school-boy,  and  need  not  to  be  repeated  here. 

Lincoln  viewed  the  proceedings  with  deep  interest 
and  no  little  apprehension.  Although  he  deprecated 
the  necessity  of  agitation,  he  saw  clearly  that  the 
whole  question  had  come  to  a  square  issue,  and  that 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  Ill 

it  must  be  firmly  met,  and  he  felt  that  the  time  for 
action  had  come.  Many  enthusiastic  Abolitionists 
were  starting  for  Kansas,  and  he  was  invited  to  make 
one  of  an  armed  band  to  go  there  and  fight  for  free 
dom,  but  he  refused  to  go,  and  earnestly  counselled 
them  to  abstain  from  all  violence,  and  to  obey  the  laws 
of  the  country,  showing  that  it  was  better  to  bear 
oppression  from  rulers  than  to  enter  into  a  rebellion 
against  -the  government. 

The  passage  of  the  bill  proved  the  death-knell  of 
the  Whig  party,  indeed  it  introduced  the  utmost  con 
fusion  into  political  councils  on  every  side,  and  for  a 
time  it  was  impossible  to  analyze  the  situation.  Many 
Democrats  were  dissatisfied  with  the  policy  of  the 
party,  and  joined  with  the  Whigs,  Abolitionists,  Free- 
soilers  and  miscellaneous  elements  to  form  a  new 
party,  which  was  in  the  future  to  be  known  as  the 
Republican  party. 

Lincoln,  without  hesitation,  joined  his  fortunes 
with  the  new  movement,  and  became  its  recognized 
leader  in  Illinois.  This  party,  which  was  soon  to 
become  the  dominant  power  in  American  politics, 
numbered  many  strong  and  influential  men  in  its 
ranks,  and,  although  of  conflicting  political  opinions 
previously,  they  now  united  upon  the  single  issue  of 
hostility  to  the  extension  of  slavery  and  its  prohibi 
tion  in  all  Territories. 

A  convention  of  all  those  who  were  in  sympathy 
with  these  principles  was  called  to  meet  in  Blooming- 
ton,  May  29,  1856,  and  the  Republican  party  was  for 
mally  organized  in  the  State.  A  national  convention 
was  called  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  in  June,  which 
nominated  a  national  ticket,  at  the  head  of  which 


112  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

was  placed  the  illustrious  name  of  John  C.  Fremont. 
Lincoln's  prominence  in  political  circles  was  so  great 
that  he  received  one  hundred  and  ten  votes  for  the 
position  of  Vice-President.  The  party  became 
wholly  committed  to  the  opposition  to  the  spread  of 
slavery,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
country,  the  slave-holders  found  themselves  squarely 
opposed  by  a  great  and  compactly  organized  political 
party.  The  fact  that  the  working  forces  of  the  new 
party  must  be  drawn  necessarily  from  the  free  States, 
and  that  the  opposition  must  come  mainly  from  the 
slave  States,  not  only  increased  sectional  antagonism, 
but  led  to  a  disruption  of  the  Democratic  party,  each 
section  following  radical  or  conservative  leaders. 
Although  this  division  did  not  take  place  in  the  cam 
paign  of  '56,  it  so  weakened  the  Democratic  party  in 
the  next  presidential  campaign  that  the  election  of  a 
Republican  President  followed. 

The  campaign  of  '56  was  one  of  the  most  animated 
and  closely  contested  political  campaigns  since  the 
formation  of  the  government  up  to  that  time.  How 
ever,  the  time  was  not  ripe.  Indiana  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  two  doubtful  States,  were  carried  by  the  Demo 
crats  by  narrow  majorities,  and  Buchanan  was 
elected.  Lincoln,  up  to  this  time,  had  not  been  out 
spoken  in  regard  to  slavery.  He  had  always  looked 
upon  it  with  horror  and  detestation.  The  horrors  of 
the  slave-mart,  the  barbarous  cruelty  of  plantation 
life  in  many  of  its  phases,  and  the  utter  disregard  of 
human  rights,  shown  on  every  side,  had  been  inex 
pressibly  shocking  to  him,  yet  he  had  never  taken  a 
prominent  stand  against  it,  and  had  looked  with  sus 
picion  upon  the  Abolitionists  and  their  bold  efforts  to 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  113 

overthrow  it.  He  stated  clearly  and  tersely  his  atti 
tude  upon  the  subject  in  a  speech  in  reply  to  one  of 
Judge  Douglas  in  Chicago,  July  10,  1858,  as  follows  : 
"  I  have  always  hated  slavery,  I  think,  as  much  as 
any  Abolitionist — I  have  been  an  old-line  Whig — I 
have  always  hated  it,  but  I  have  always  been  quiet 
about  it  until  this  new  era  of  the  introduction  of  the 
Nebraska  bill  began.  I  have  always  believed  that 
everybody  was  against  it,  and  that  it  was  in  the 
course  of  ultimate  extinction.  The  great  mass  of  the 
nation  have  rested  in  the  ultimate  belief  that  slavery 
was  in  the  course  of  extinction." 

If  he  had  held  his  peace  hitherto,  on  the  great 
topic,  he  was  to  do  so  no  more.  From  this  time 
on  no  heart  was  more  earnest  nor  tongue  more 
eloquent  in  behalf  of  the  down-trodden  millions 
than  his.  With  him  it  was  an  ever-present  evil,  be 
coming  more  and  more  appalling  as  time  went  on, 
and  more  and  more  did  he  become  impressed  with 
the  magnitude  and  imminence  of  the  struggle,  and 
the  stupendous  catastrophe  threatened  by  it. 

He  was  always  ready  to  assist  fugitive  slaves,  and 
more  than  once  put  himself  to  great  inconvenience 
and  some  personal  danger  by  reason  of  his  sympathy 
for  the  suffering  slave  fleeing  from  bondage. 

One  afternoon  an  old  negro  woman  came  into  his 
office,  and  told  the  story  of  her  trouble.  It  appears 
that  she  and  her  offspring  were  born  slaves  in  Ken 
tucky,  and  that  her  owner  had  brought  the  whole 
family  into  Illinois,  and  given  them  their  freedom. 
Her  son  had  gone  down  the  Mississippi  as  a  waiter 
or  deck-hand  on  a  steamboat.  Arriving  at  New  Or 
leans,  he  had  imprudently  gone  ashore,  and  had  been 


114  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

snatched  up  by  the  police,  in  accordance  with  the  law 
then  in  force  concerning  free  negroes  from  other 
States,  and  thrown  into  confinement.  Subsequently 
he  was  brought  out  and  tried.  Of  course,  he  was 
fined,  and,  the  boat  having  left,  he  was  sold,  or  was 
in  immediate  danger  of  being  sold,  to  pay  his  fine  and 
expenses.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  very  much  moved,  and 
requested  Mr.  Herndon  to  go  over  to  the  State  House 
and  inquire  of  Governor  Bissell,  if  there  was  not 
something  he  could  do  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
negro.  Mr.  Herndon  made  the  inquiry,  and  returned 
with  the  report  that  the  Governor  regretted  to  say 
that  he  had  no  legal  or  constitutional  right  to  do 
anything  in  the  premises.  Mr.  Lincoln  rose  to  his 
feet  in  great  excitement,  and  exclaimed  :  "  By  the 
Almighty,  I'll  have  that  negro  back  soon,  or  I'll  have 
a  twenty  years'  agitation  in  Illinois,  until  the  Gover 
nor  does  have  a  legal  and  constitutional  right  to  do 
something  in  the  premises."  He  was  saved  from  the 
latter  alternative — at  least  in  the  direct  form  which 
he  proposed.  The  lawyers  sent  money  to  a  New  Or 
leans  correspondent — money  of  their  own — who  pro 
cured  the  negro,  and  returned  him  to  his  mother. 

In  1854  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  the  State 
Legislature,  but  refused  to  accept  the  proffered  honor. 
His  name,  however,  was  presented  to  the  people,  and 
he  was  elected.  But,  feeling  that  he  had  earned  a 
higher  honor  than  this,  he  refused  to  take  his  seat. 
One  of  the  duties  of  this  session  was  to  elect  a  United 
States  Senator  to  succeed  General  Shields,  the  col 
league  of  Douglas.  Lincoln  ardently  desired  the 
position,  and  once,  in  speaking  of  it,  said  that  he  had 
rather  have  one  full  term  in  the  Senate  than  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  115 

Presidency.  His  prospects  seemed  good  to  secure 
the  coveted  honor,  but,  through  certain  unexpected 
complications,  his  election  became  doubtful,  and  he 
magnanimously  withdrew  his  name  in  favor  of  Judge 
Trumbull,  who  was  immediately  elected.  When  con 
sulted  in  the  dilemma,  he  said:  "You  ought  to  drop 
me  and  go  for  Judge  Trumbull,  that  is  the  only  way 
you  can  defeat  Mathison  (the  Democratic  candi 
date)."  Judge  Logan  came  up  and  insisted  on  mak 
ing  one  more  effort  to  secure  Lincoln's  election  ;  but 
the  latter  said:  "  If  you  do,  you  will  lose  both  Trum 
bull  and  myself,  and  I  think  the  cause  in  this  case  is 
to  be  preferred  to  men."  This  was  certainly  a  rare 
instance  of  political  self-sacrifice. 


CHAPTER   IX 

AT  the  Bloomington  Convention  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
called  upon  to  make  a  speech.  It  proved  to  be  the 
inauguration  speech  of  the  new  party  in  Illinois,  and 
in  it  he  advanced  to  higher  political  ground  than  he 
had  ever  done  before.  He  seemed  like  one  inspired 
as  he  gave  utterance  to  the  grandest  political  truths, 
and  made  close  application  of  them  to  the  condition 
of  the  country. 

One  of  the  delegates  says  :  "  Never  was  an  audi 
ence  more  completely  electrified  by  human  elo 
quence.  Again  and  again,  during  this  speech,  the 
audience  sprang  to  their  feet,  and  by  long  continued 
cheers  expressed  how  deeply  the  speaker  had  affected 
them."  Herndon  characterizes  this  speech  as  the 
grand  effort  of  his  life. 

The  movement,  thus  enthusiastically  inaugurated, 
gathered  strength  rapidly,  and  the  young,  but  vigor 
ous  party  soon  became  a  recognized  power  in  the 
State.  Lincoln  had  been  one  of  the  ruling  spirits  of 
the  old  Whig  party,  and  he  now  became  the  recog 
nized  leader  of  the  Republican  party,  its  great 
defender  in  the  furious  onslaughts  made  upon  it,  and 
its  champion  in  the  aggressive  fight  it  was  about  to 
make  upon  the  old  parties. 

In  the  following  national  campaign,  the  first  in 
which  the  Republican  party  had  figured,  his  services 

(,16) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  117 

were  in  great  demand.  Earnest  requests  to  speak 
upon  the  principles  of  the  party  came  to  him  from 
every  district  in  Illinois,  from  Indiana,  Ohio,  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin,  and  so  far  as  possible  he  accepted  the 
invitations. 

At  one  of  the  meetings,  which  he  was  addressing, 
an  old  Democrat  arose  from  his  seat  and  strode 
away,  driving  his  cane  viciously  into  the  ground  at 
every  step,  exclaiming  :  "  He's  a  dangerous  man,  a 
dangerous  man  !  He  makes  you  believe  what  he  says 
in  spite  of  yourself." 

The  Republicans  generally  believed  that  Fremont 
would  be  elected,  but  Lincoln  did  not  share  in  this 
confidence.  He  was  too  clear-sighted,  and  realized 
too  fully  the  strength  of  the  opposition,  to  be  thus 
deceived  by  a  false  hope.  During  the  campaign  he 
said  to  Mr.  Noah  Brooks,  a  Chicago  Journalist : 
"  Don't  be  discouraged  if  we  don't  carry  the  day  this 
year.  We  can't  do  it,  that's  certain,  but  we  shall 
sooner  or  later  elect  our  President.  I  feel  confident 
of  that." 

The  event  proved  the  truth  of  his  forecast. 
Although  the  new  party  made  a  gallant  fight,  its 
ticket  was  defeated,  and  Buchanan  was  elected  Pres 
ident.  The  closeness  of  the  contest  so  alarmed  the 
slave-holders  that  they  began,  even  then,  to  perfect 
their  plans  for  a  revolution  in  the  event  of  a  Republi 
can  victory  at  the  next  national  election.  In  this 
they  were  materially  aided  by  the  weakness  of  the 
President  who,  though  no  doubt  desirous  of  main 
taining  the  Union  intact  and  upholding  the  Constitu 
tion,  yet  found  himself  powerless  in  the  hands  of  the 
slave  element. 


Il8  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Lincoln,  since  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  had  become  recognized  as  the  champion  of  the 
anti-slavery  element  in  Illinois.  Even  before  the  for 
mation  of  the  new  party,  he  had  ably  and  persistently 
opposed  the  measure  as  ill-advised  and  revolutionary. 
His  opinions  were  always  freely  expressed  on  the 
subject  both  publicly  and  privately,  and  were  well 
sustained  by  logical  argument. 

When  Douglas  returned  from  Washington,  after  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  he  found  himself,  more  than  once, 
compelled  to  defend  his  policy  to  his  constituents, 
who  were  generally  indignant  at  his  course.  Nor 
was  he  lacking  in  the  ability  to  do  this.  Fresh  from 
the  Halls  of  Congress,  where  he  had  carried  the  bill 
by  his  fiery  eloquence  and  power  of  logical  reason 
ing,  in  the  face  of  an  opposition  led  by  such  masters 
of  debate  as  Sumner,  Chase  and  Seward,  flushed  with 
victory,  and  more  than  ever  confident  of  his  ability  to 
overcome  opposition,  he  appeared  before  great  audi 
ences  in  Illinois  eager  to  hear  his  vindication  from  his 
own  lips. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Chicago,  the  State  Fair 
opened  in  Springfield,  and  he  was  invited  to  address 
the  assembled  crowds  upon  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  His  task  was  a  difficult  one,  for  the 
majority  of  the  audience  were  hostile  to  the  measure. 
Incited  by  the  adverse  sentiment,  he  made  a  masterly 
address.  He  gave  an  historical  review  of  the  whole 
situation,  and  presented,  in  their  most  plausible  form, 
the  arguments  by  which  he  had  won  his  victory  in 
the  Senate. 

Lincoln  was  present  and  listened  intently,  and,  at 
the  close  of  the  address,  it  was  announced  that  he 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  119 

would  speak  in  opposition  to  the  measure  on  the  fol 
lowing  day. 

A  large  audience  assembled  in  the  State  House  to 
hear  him.  He  spoke  three  hours,  and  most  effectively 
answered  the  arguments  brought  forward  on  the  pre 
vious  day.  The  great  audience  was  deeply  affected, 
and  gave  close  attention.  Never  before  had  he  dis 
played  so  much  feeling  in  public.  At  times  his  voice 
quivered  and  the  tears  filled  his  eyes,  while  loud  and 
continued  applause  attested  that  his  arguments  struck 
home. 

Douglas  went  from  Springfield  to  Peoria,  where  he 
again  made  a  lengthy  address,  explaining  and  defend 
ing  his  course  in  Congress.  He  was  followed  and 
again  answered  by  the  indefatigable  Lincoln,  who 
sought  to  prove  the  fallacy  of  Mr.  Douglas's  position 
from  an  historical,  political  and  moral  standpoint. 
One  by  one  he  took  the  arguments  of  his  opponent, 
and  demonstrated  their  weakness.  The  following  ex- 
tractwill  conveysomeideaof  hisconvincingeloquence. 

"  Slavery  is  founded  in  the  selfishness  of  man's  na 
ture;  opposition  to  it,  in  his  love  of  justice.  These  prin 
ciples  are  in  eternal  antagonism,  and  when  brought 
into  collision  so  fiercely  as  slavery  extension  brings 
them,  shocks,  throes  and  convulsions  must  ceaselessly 
follow.  Repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  ;  repeal  all 
compromises;  repeal  the  Declaration  of  Independence; 
repeal  all  past  history — you  still  cannot  repeal  human 
nature.  It  still  will  be  the  abundance  of  man's  heart, 
that  slavery  extension  is  wrong  ;  and,  out  of  the  abun 
dance  of  his  heart,  his  mouth  will  continue  to  speak. 
.  .  .  Thus  we  see  the  plain,  unmistakable  spirit  of  that 
early  age  towards  slavery,  was  hostility  to  the  princi- 


120  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

pie,  and  toleration  only  by  necessity.  But  now  it  is 
to  be  transformed  into  a  *  sacred  right.'  Nebraska 
brings  it  forth,  places  it  on  the  high  road  to  extension 
and  perpetuity,  and  with  a  pat  on  its  back  says  to  it, 
'  Go  and  God  speed  you.'  Henceforth,  it  is  to  be  the 
chief  jewel  of  the  nation,  the  very  figure-head  of  the 
ship  of  State.  Little  by  little,  but  steadily  as  man's 
march  to  the  grave,  we  have  been  giving  the  old  for 
the  new  faith.  Nearly  eighty  years  ago  we  began  by 
declaring  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  but  now 
from  that  beginning  we  have  run  down  to  that  other 
declaration,  *  that  for  some  men  to  enslave  others  is 
a  sacred  right  of  self-government.'  ...  In  our 
greedy  chase  to  make  profit  of  the  negro,  let  us 
beware  lest  we  cancel  and  tear  to  pieces  even  the 
white  man's  charter  of  freedom.  .  .  *  Our  Repub 
lican  robe  is  soiled,  trailed  in  the  dust.  Let  us  repu- 
rify  it.  Let  us  turn  and  wash  it  white,  in  the  spirit, 
if  not  the  blood,  of  the  revolution.  Let  us  turn 
slavery  from  its  claims  of  '  moral  right,'  back  upon  its 
existing  legal  rights  and  its  arguments  of  *  necessity.' 
Let  us  return  it  to  the  position  our  fathers  gave  it, 
and  then  let  it  rest  in  peace.  Let  us  re-adopt  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  with  it  the  prac 
tices  and  policy  which  harmonize  with  it.  Let  North 
and  South — let  all  Americans — let  all  lovers  of  liberty 
everywhere — join  in  the  great  and  good  work.  If 
we  do  this,  we  shall  not  only  have  saved  the  Union, 
but  we  shall  have  so  saved  it  as  to  make  and  to  keep 
it  forever  worthy  of  the  saving.  We  shall  have  so 
saved  it  that  the  succeeding  millions  of  free  and 
happy  people,  the  world  over,  shall  rise  up  and  call 
us  blessed  to  the  latest  generations." 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  121 

In  the  course  of  his  speech  at  Peoria,  Mr.  Douglas 
had  remarked  that  the  Whigs  were  all  dead.  When 
Mr.  Lincoln  arose  to  speak,  he  said:  "  Fellow-citizens  : 
— My  friend,  Mr.  Douglas,  made  the  startling 
announcement  to-day  that  the  Whigs  are  all  dead. 
If  this  be  so,  fellow-citizens,  you  will  now  experience 
the  novelty  of  hearing  a  speech  from  a  dead  man,  and 
I  suppose  you  might  properly  say,  in  the  language  of 
the  old  hymn  : 

" '  Hark !    From  the  tombs  a  doleful  sound.'  " 

Douglas  felt  that,  perhaps  for  the  first  time  in  his 
life,  he  had  been  worsted  in  the  field  of  debate,  and 
upon  his  proposal  it  was  agreed  between  them  that 
neither  should  make  any  more  speeches,  or  rather 
that,  if  Lincoln  would  let  him  alone,  he  would  quit. 

April  21,  1858,  the  Democratic  State  Convention 
met  at  Springfield,  and  heartily  indorsing  the  course 
of  Senator  Douglas,  announced  him  as  the  candidate 
of  the  party  for  another  Senatorial  term. 

June  16  following,  the  Republican  State  Convention 
met  at  the  same  place  and  unanimously  declared 
that :  "  Abraham  Lincoln  is  our  first  and  only  choice 
for  United  States  Senator,  to  fill  the  vacancy  about 
to  be  created  by  the  expiration  of  Judge  Douglas's 
term  of  office." 

This  action  had  been  foreseen,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
prepared  a  speech  accepting  the  honor.  In  this 
speech,  he  uttered  more  exalted  sentiments  and  pro 
claimed  higher  political  doctrines  than  any  great 
party-leader  had  ever  ventured  to  do  before  ;  so 
high,  indeed,  that  it  alarmed  his  partisans  and 
delighted  his  opponents,  who  believed  that  he  had 


122  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

sounded  the  death-knell  of  his  own  political  career  as 
well  as  that  of  his  party. 

Although  he  suffered  defeat  at  this  time,  the  sequel 
showed  that  he  was  possessed  of  more  foresight  than 
the  party,  and  demonstrated  the  wisdom  which  had 
made  him  a  party-leader  as  well  as  his  fitness  for  that 
position. 

The  opening  paragraph  of  the  speech  which  occa 
sioned  much  comment  and  criticism,  was  as  follows  : 
"  Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : 
If  we  could  first  know  where  we  are  and  whither  we 
are  tending,  we  could  better  judge  what  to  do  and 
how  to  do  it.  We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year 
since  a  policy  was  initiated  with  the  avowed  object 
and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to  slavery 
agitation.  Under  the  operation  of  that  policy,  that 
agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased  but  has  constantly 
augmented.  In  my  opinion  it  will  not  cease  until  a 
crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  '  A  house 
t  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.'  I  believe  this 
/  Government  cannot  endure,  permanently,  half  slave 
and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dis 
solved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do 
expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all 
one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of 
slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it  and  place 
it  where  the  public  mind  will  rest  in  the  belief  that  it 
is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advo 
cates  will  push  it  forward,  until  it  shall  become  alike 
lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as 
well  as  South." 

This  statement  was  afterwards  greeted  with  a  per 
fect  storm  of  disapproval,  and  formed  the  subject  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  123 

many  a  speech  and  political  debate  throughout  the 
country.  It  was  a  startling  proposition,  and,  from  a 
superficial  point  of  view,  it  seemed  to  be  entirely  un 
warranted  by  the  facts.  For  almost  three-quarters 
of  a  century  the  Government  had  endured,  over  a 
country  half  slave  and  half  free  ;  nor  had  the  coun 
try,  during  that  time,  ever  been  at  a  standstill.  In 
material  progress  and  the  development  of  its  vast  do 
main,  it  was  the  marvel  of  the  world.  From  a  little 
confederacy  of  puny  states  grouped  on  the  Atlantic 
seaboard,  it  had  developed  into  an  imperial  nation 
numbering  thirty  millions  of  souls.  Its  progress  had 
been  steady  and  almost  uninterrupted,  and  its  pros 
perity  seemed  to  rest  upon  a  secure  foundation. 
How  absurd  then,  said  his  opponents,  to  assert  that 
this  country  is  on  the  verge  of  disruption,  nay,  of  de 
struction,  because  of  differing  opinions  in  regard  to 
a  single  institution.  Yet  history  proved  his  perfect 
vindicator,  and  more  certainly  than  arguments  or 
specious  philosophy  did  coming  events  demonstrate 
the  wisdom  of  his  position. 

His  friends,  to  whom  he  read  the  speech  before  de 
livering  it,  urged  him  to  omit  the  first  paragraph,  all 
except  his  partner,  Mr.  Herndon,  who  said:  "Lin 
coln,  deliver  that  speech  as  read,  and  it  will  make  you 
President."  A  prophecy  destined  to  be  wonderfully 
fulfilled,  but  seeming  at  the  time  to  pass  credence. 

One  of  his  friends,  after  the  speech,  remonstrated 
with  him  against  such  "  foolishness,"  to  whom  Lin 
coln  replied  that,  if  he  were  compelled  to  destroy 
every  utterance  of  his  life  save  one,  he  would  select 
that  one  for  preservation.  He  remarked  to  Mr. 
Herndon,  who  asked  him  if  he  deemed  it  wise  or  ex- 


124  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

pedient  to  commit  himself  in  such  away  at  that  time  : 
"  I  had  rather  be  defeated  with  this  expression  in  the 
speech,  and  have  it  held  up  and  discussed  before  the 
people,  than  to  be  victorious  without  it."  1 

The  speech  was  mainly  directed  against  the  en 
croachments  of  the  slave-power  upon  the  free  domain, 
as  exemplified  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  the 
subsequent  "  Dred  Scott  "  decision.  He  showed,  in 
support  of  his  main  position,  that  every  effort  of  the 
Southern  party,  open  and  insidious  alike,  was  directed 
towards  an  opening  up  to  slavery  of  the  whole  na 
tional  domain,  and  he  clearly  demonstrated  the  active 
instrumentality  of  Senator  Douglas  in  bringing  about 
this  result.  To  him  the  danger  seemed  more  immi 
nent  and  startling  than  ever  before.  "  We  shall  lie 
down,  pleasantly  dreaming,"  said  he,  "  that  the  peo 
ple  of  Missouri  are  on  the  verge  of  making  their 
State  free  ;  and  we  shall  awake  to  the  reality,  instead, 
that  the  Supreme  Court  has  made  Illinois  a  slave 
State.  To  meet  and  overthrow  the  power  of  that 
dynasty  is  the  work  now  before  all  those  who  would 
prevent  that  consummation — that  is  what  we  have  to 
do.  .  .  .  Our  cause,  then,  must  be  intrusted  to  and 
conducted  by  its  undoubted  friends — those  whose 
hands  are  free,  whose  hearts  are  in  the  work — who 
do  care  for  the  result.  Two  years  ago  the  Republi 
cans  of  the  nation  mustered  over  one  million  three 
hundred  thousand  strong.  We  did  this  under  a 
single  impulse  of  resistance  to  a  common  danger, 
with  every  external  circumstance  against  us.  Of 
strange,  discordant  and  even  hostile  elements,  we 


1  Herndon's  "  Lincoln." 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  125 

gathered  from  the  four  winds,  and  formed  and  fought 
this  battle  through,  under  the  constant,  hot  fire  of  a 
disciplined  and  pampered  enemy.  Did  we  brave  all 
to  falter  now  ? — now,  when  that  same  enemy  is  wav 
ering,  dissevered  and  belligerent.  The  result  is  not 
doubtful.  We  shall  not  fail — if  we  stand  firm,  we 
shall  not  fail.  Wise  counsels  may  accelerate  or  mis 
takes  delay  it,  but  sooner  or  later  the  victory  is  sure 
to  come." 

A  little  incident  occurred  during  the  campaign 
that  illustrated  Mr.  Lincoln's  readiness  in  turning  a 
political  point.  He  was  making  a  speech  at  Charles 
ton,  Coles  County,  when  a  voice  called  out,  "  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  is  it  true  that  you  entered  this  State  barefoot, 
driving  a  yoke  of  oxen  ? "  Mr.  Lincoln  paused  for  a 
full  half  a  minute,  as  if  considering  whether  he 
should  notice  such  cruel  impertinence,  and  then  said 
that  he  thought  he  could  prove  the  fact  by  at  least  a 
dozen  men  in  the  crowd,  any  one  of  whom  was  more 
respectable  than  his  questioner.  But  the  question 
seemed  to  inspire  him,  and  he  went  on  to  show  what 
free  institutions  had  done  for  himself,  and  to  exhibit 
the  evils  of  slavery  to  the  white  man  wherever  it 
existed,  and  asked  if  it  was  not  natural  that  he  should 
hate  slavery,  and  agitate  against  it.  "  Yes,"  said  he, 
"  we  will  speak  for  freedom,  and  against  slavery,  as 
long  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country  guarantees 
free  speech,  until  everywhere  on  this  wide  land  the 
sun  shall  shine  and  the  rain  shall  fall  and  the  wind 
shall  blow  upon  no  man  who  goes  forth  to  unrequited 
toil."  * 


1  Holland's  "  Life  of  Lincoln." 


126  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

It  was  at  about  this  time  that  Lincoln  made  his 
first  visit  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  met  the  Hon.  E.  M. 
Stanton,  with  whom  he  was  afterwards  to  be  so  inti 
mately  associated.  Among  his  law  cases  was  one 
connected  with  the  patent  of  the  McCormick  reaper, 
and  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  visit  Cincinnati, 
to  argue  the  case  before  Judge  McLean  of  the  United 
States  Circuit  Court.  It  was  a  case  of  great  impor 
tance,  involving  the  foundation  patent  of  the  machine 
which  was  destined  to  revolutionize  the  harvesting  of 
grain.  Reverdy  Johnson  was  on  one  side  of  the  case, 
and  E.  M.  Stanton  and  George  Harding  on  the  other. 
It  became  necessary,  in  addition,  to  have  a  lawyer 
who  was  a  resident  of  Illinois  ;  and  inquiry  was  made 
of  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne,  then  in  Congress,  as  to 
whether  he  knew  a  suitable  man.  The  latter  replied, 
"that  there  was  a  man  named  Lincoln,  at  Springfield, 
who  had  considerable  reputation  in  the  State."  Lin 
coln  was  secured,  and  came  on  to  Cincinnati  with  a 
brief.  Stanton  and  Harding  saw  "  a  tall,  dark,  un 
couth  man,"  who  did  not  strike  them  as  of  any  ac 
count,  and,  indeed,  they  gave  him  hardly  a  chance. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  little  surprised  and  annoyed,  after 
reaching  Cincinnati,  to  learn  that  his  client  had  also 
associated  with  him  Mr.  Stanton  of  Pittsburgh,  and 
a  local  lawyer  of  some  repute  ;  the  reason  assigned 
being  that  the  importance  of  the  case  required  a  man 
of  the  experience  and  power  of  Mr.  Stanton  to  meet 
Mr.  Johnson.  The  trial  of  the  case  came  on  ;  the 
counsel  for  the  defense  met  each  morning  for  con 
sultation.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  one  of  the 
counsel  moved  that  only  two  of  them  should  speak 
on  the  case.  This  motion  was  acquiesced  in.  It  had 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  127 

always  been  understood  that  Mr.  Harding  was  to 
speak,  to  explain  the  mechanism  of  the  reapers.  So 
this  motion  excluded  either  Mr.  Lincoln  or  Mr.  Stan- 
ton.  By  the  custom  of  the  bar,  as  between  counsel 
of  equal  standing,  and  in  the  absence  of  any  action 
by  the  client,  the  original  counsel  speaks.  By  this 
rule  Mr.  Lincoln  had  the  precedence.  Mr.  Stanton 
suggested  that  Mr.  Lincoln  make  the  speech.  Mr. 
Lincoln  answered,  "No,  you  speak."  Mr.  Stanton 
replied,  "  I  will ;"  and  taking  up  his  hat,  said  he 
would  go  and  make  preparation.  Mr.  Lincoln  acqui 
esced  in  this,  but  was  deeply  grieved  and  mortified  ; 
he  took  but  little  more  interest  in  the  case,  though 
remaining  until  the  conclusion  of  the  trial.  He 
seemed  to  be  greatly  depressed,  and  gave  evidence 
of  that  tendency  to  melancholy  which  so  marked  his 
character  in  after  years.  His  parting  words  on  leav 
ing  the  city  cannot  be  forgotten.  Cordially  shaking 
the  hand  of  his  hostess,  he  said  :  "  You  have  made 
my  stay  here  most  agreeable,  and  I  am  a  thousand 
times  obliged  to  you  ;  but,  in  reply  to  your  request 
for  me  to  come  again,  I  must  say  to  you  I  never  ex 
pect  to  be  in  Cincinnati  again.  I  have  nothing 
against  the  city,  but  things  have  so  happened  here  as 
to  make  it  undesirable  for  me  ever  to  return." 

If  Mr.  Lincoln  was  "  surprised  and  annoyed "  at 
the  treatment  he  received  from  Mr.  Stanton,  the  latter 
was  no  less  surprised,  and  a  good  deal  more  dis 
gusted,  on  seeing  Mr.  Lincoln  and  learning  of  his 
connection  with  the  case.  He  made  no  secret  of  his 
contempt  for  the  "  long,  lank  creature  from  Illinois," 
as  he  afterwards  described  him,  "  wearing  a  dirty  f 
linen  duster  for  a  coat,  on  the  back  of  which  the  per- 


128  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

spiration  had  splotched  wide  stains  that  resembled  a 
dirty  map  of  the  continent."  He  blurted  out  his 
wrath  and  indignation  to  his  associate  counsel,  de 
claring  that  if  "  that  giraffe  "  was  permitted  to  appear 
in  the  case,  he  would  throw  up  his  brief  and  leave  it. 
Mr.  Lincoln  keenly  felt  the  affront,  but  his  great 
nature  forgave  it  so  completely  that,  recognizing  the 
singular  abilities  of  Mr.  Stanton  beneath  his  brusque 
exterior,  he  afterwards,  for  the  public  good,  appointed 
him  to  a  seat  in  his  Cabinet. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  memorable  campaign  opened  vigorously  on 
both  sides.  Each  of  the  leading  candidates  entered 
the  field,  seeking  to  so  influence  the  State  election 
that  the  new  legislature  might  be  in  his  favor. 
Speeches  had  been  made  by  both,  in  Springfield, 
Chicago  and  Bloomington,  where  Mr.  Lincoln 
addressed  the  following  note  to  his  opponent  : 

"  Hon.  S.  A.  Douglas. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR — Will  it  be  agreeable  to  you  to  make  an 
arrangement  for  you  and  myself  to  divide  time,  and  address  the 
same  audiences  during  the  present  canvass  ?  Mr.  Judd,  who 
will  hand  you  this,  is  authorized  to  receive  your  answer,  and,  if 
agreeable  to  you,  to  enter  into  the  terms  of  such  arrangement. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"CHICAGO,  ILL.  July  24,  1858.  A.  LINCOLN." 

In  the  correspondence  which  followed,  Douglas 
acceded  to  the  request,  though  demurring  somewhat 
at  first;  and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  they  should 
meet  in  joint  discussion  at  seven  different  places, 
viz.,  Ottawa,  Freeport,  Jonesboro,  Charleston,  Gales- 
burg,  Quincy  and  Alton.  In  closing  his  last  letter 
Mr.  Douglas  said  : 

"  I  agree  to  your  suggestion  that  we  shall  alter 
nately  open  and  close  the  discussion.  I  will  speak  at 
Ottawa  one  hour.  You  can  reply,  occupying  one 

(129) 


130  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

hour  and  a  half,  and  I  will  then  follow  you  for  a  half 
an  hour.  We  will  alternate  in  like  manner  at  each 
successive  place."  It  was  arranged  that  the  first  de 
bate  should  be  held  August  21,  and  the  last  one 
October  15. 

/  These  seven  discussions  now  rank  among  the  ablest 
forensic  debates  that  have  ever  taken  place  in 
/  America,  perhaps  in  the  world.  They  were  widely 
reported  in  the  newspapers,  but,  as  they  were  deliv 
ered  without  manuscript,  the  reports  failed  to  do 
justice  to  them,  and  conveyed  but  an  inadequate  idea 
of  their  effectiveness.  The  whole  country  followed 
the  course  of  the  debates  with  great  interest,  and  from 
that  time  Lincoln's  reputation  transcended  sectional 
bounds  and  spread  throughout  the  nation.  The  man 
who  could  meet  and  overcome  in  debate,  Judge 
Douglas,  the  redoubted  champion  of  the  Senate, 
could  no  longer  remain  unknown. 

The  personality  of  the  principals  was  reflected  in 
their  speeches.  Douglas  was  fiery  and  impetuous, 
making  his  points  with  the  brilliancy  and  dash  of  one 
who  was  assured  of  victory,  because  he  had  never 
known  defeat,  and  with  the  adroitness  which  charac 
terized  the  successful  politician. 

Lincoln  was  calm  and  straightforward.  He  was 
quick  to  see  and  able  to  take  advantage  of  any  weak 
point  in  his  adversary's  argument,  relying  less  upon 
his  eloquence  and  magnetism  than  upon  frank  state 
ments  and  clear  reasoning  to  convince  his  audience. 

Douglas  excited  the  more  feeling  at  the  time  ;  Lin 
coln  made  the  deeper  and  more  lasting  impression. 
Douglas  was  greeted  with  applause  and  congratula 
tion  for  the  brilliancy  of  his  efforts  ;  Lincoln  made 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  131 

friends  for  his  cause  and  influenced  votes.  The  more 
self-sacrificing  of  the  two,  he  sought  to  magnify  the 
cause  while  he  held  his  own  personal  interests  in  the 
background.  A  declaration  in  his  Chicago  speech 
well  illustrates  this.  He  said  :  "  I  do  not  claim,  gentle 
men,  to  be  unselfish.  .1  do  not  pretend  that  I  would 
not  like  to  go  to  the  United  States  Senate,  I  make  no 
such  hypocritical  pretense;  but  I  do  say  to  you  that, 
in  this  mighty  issue,  it  is  nothing  to  the  mass  of  the 
people  of  the  nation,  whether  or  not  Judge  Douglas 
or  myself  shall  be  heard  of  after  this  night  ;  it  may  be 
a  trifle  to  either  of  us,  but  in  connection  with  this 
mighty  question,  upon  which  hang  the  destinies  of 
the  nation,  perhaps,  it  is  absolutely  nothing." 

The  contrast  between  the  two  men,  in  every  way, 
could  hardly  have  been  greater,  yet  each  felt  that  to 
win  the  victory  would  require  his  very  best  efforts, 
and  went  into  the  conflict  with  every  power  on  the 
alert  and  every  faculty  in  operation. 

When  Douglas  was  congratulated  in  advance  upon 
the  ease  with  which  he  would  vanquish  his  opponent, 
he  replied  that  "  he  would  rather  meet  any  other  man 
in  the  country  in  this  joint  debate  than  Abraham  Lin 
coln."  At  another  time,  he  said  :  "I  have  known  Lin 
coln  for  nearly  twenty-five  years.  There  were  many 
points  of  sympathy  between  us  when  we  first  got 
acquainted.  We  were  both  comparatively  boys,  and 
both  struggling  with  poverty  in  a  strange  land.  I 
was  a  school-teacher  in  the  town  of  Winchester,  and 
he  a  flourishing  grocery-keeper  in  the  town  of  Salem. 
He  was  more  successful  in  his  occupation  than  I  was 
in  mine,  and  hence,  more  fortunate  in  this  world's 
goods.  Lincoln  is  one  of  those  peculiar  men  who 


132  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

perform  with  admirable  skill  whatever  they  under 
take.  I  made  as  good  a  school-teacher  as  I  could,  .  .  . 
but  I  believe  that  Lincoln  was  always  more  success 
ful  in  his  business  than  I  in  mine,  for  his  business 
enabled  him  to  get  into  the  Legislature.  I  met  him 
there,  however,  and  had  sympathy  with  him,  because 
of  the  up-hill  struggle  we  both  had  had  in  life.  He 
was  then  just  as  good  at  telling  an  anecdote  as  now. 
He  could  beat  any  of  the  boys  in  wrestling  or  running 
a  foot-race,  in  pitching  quoits  or  in  pitching  a  copper, 
and  the  dignity  and  impartiality  with  which  he  pre 
sided  at  a  horse-race  or  a  fist-fight,  excited  the  admi 
ration,  and  won  the  praise  of  everybody  that  was 
present.  I  sympathized  with  him  because  he  was 
struggling  with  difficulties  and  so  was  I.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  served  with  me  in  the  Legislature  of  1836,  when 
we  both  retired,  and  he  subsided,  or  became  sub 
merged  and  was  lost  sight  of  as  a  public  man  for  some 
years.  In  1846,  when  Wilmot  introduced  his  cele 
brated  proviso,  and  the  Abolition  tornado  swept  over 
the  land,  Lincoln  again  turned  up  as  a  Member  of 
Congress  from  the  Sangamon  District.  I  was  then 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  and  was  glad  to 
welcome  my  old  friend."  l 

The  following  estimate  of  Douglas  by  Lincoln  is 
of  interest  in  connection  with  the  above  :  "Twenty- 
two  years  ago  Judge  Douglas  and  I  first  became 
acquainted.  We  were  both  young  then,  he  a  trifle 
younger  than  I.  Even  then  we  were  both  ambitious, 
I,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  as  he.  With  me,  the  race 
of  ambition  has  been  a  failure — a  flat  failure ;  with 


1  Browne. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  133 

him  it  has  been  one  of  splendid  success.  His  name 
fills  the  nation,  and  is  not  unknown  even  in  foreign 
lands.  I  affect  no  contempt  for  the  high  eminence 
he  has  attained;  so  reached,  that  the  oppressed  of  my 
species  might  have  shared  with  me  in  the  elevation,  I 
would  rather  stand  upon  that  eminence  than  wear  the 
richest  crown  that  ever  pressed  a  monarch's  brow." 

Around  the  institution  of  slavery  centred  all  the 
arguments  of  the  joint  debate.  The  positions  taken 
upon  this  subject  constituted  the  main  issues  between 
the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties.  It  was  the 
absorbing  topic  of  the  nation.  Lincoln's  stand  upon 
the  question  was  firm,  elevated  and  positive,  and  he 
sustained  it  with  logical  argument  and  close  reason 
ing.  Douglas  sought  to  avoid  the  issue,  attempting 
rather  to  overthrow  the  arguments  of  his  opponent 
than  to  enunciate  any  decided  policy  other  than  that 
contained  in  his  public  measures. 

The  debates  everywhere  attracted  great  crowds. 
At  first  both  of  the  disputants  refrained  from  offen 
sive  personalities.  But  afterwards  each  accused  the 
other  of  unfair  conduct,  of  misrepresentation  and 
even  falsehood.  The  points  brought  forward  and 
the  arguments  used  to  sustain  them,  were  substanti 
ally  the  same  in  all  the  speeches,  the  methods  of  pre 
senting  them  being  adapted  to  the  circumstances  and 
audience.  In  his  first  speech  Douglas  attacked  the 
position  taken  by  Lincoln  in  his  previous  speeches, 
especially  on  the  three  points  that  Lincoln  had  laid 
stress  upon,  viz.,  that  the  Union  could  not  remain 
half  free  and  half  slave,  but  must  become  either  one 
or  the  other;  his  opposition  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  and  to  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  He  maintained 


134  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

that  the  first  proposition  was  not  only  an  absurdity 
upon  the  face  of  it,  but  that  it  was  treasonable  in  its 
tendency,  as,  if  insisted  upon,  it  must  result  in  civil 
war  between  the  two  sections,  and  either  the  slave 
holders  must  carry  slavery  into  all  the  free  States  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  or  the  Abolitionists  must  drive 
it  into  the  sea  before  the  muzzles  of  their  cannon.  He 
sustained  his  position  on  the  other  two  points  by  the 
same  arguments  which  he  had  so  often  advanced 
before,  modified,  only,  to  meet  the  present  exigency. 

Upon  Lincoln's  opposition  to  the  Dred  Scott  decis 
ion  he  made  the  following  startling  and  dramatic 
comment,  the  truth  of  which  Lincoln  afterwards 
emphatically  denied  : 

"  His  conscientious  scruples  led  him  to  believe  that 
the  negro  is  entitled  by  divine  right  to  the  civil 
and  political  privileges  of  citizenship  on  an  equality 
with  the  white  man.  For  that  reason  he  wishes  the 
Dred  Scott  decision  reversed.  He  wishes  to  confer 
those  privileges  of  citizenship  on  the  negro.  Let  us 
see  how  he  will  do  it.  He  will  first  be  called  upon  to 
strike  out  of  the  constitution  of  Illinios  that  clause 
which  prohibits  free  negroes  and  slaves  from  Kentucky 
or  any  other  State  coming  into  Illinois.  When  he  blots 
out  that  clause,  when  he  lets  down  the  door,  or  opens 
the  gate  for  all  the  negro  population  to  flow  in  and 
cover  our  prairies,  until  at  midday  they  will  look 
dark  and  black  as  night :  when  he  shall  have  done 
this,  his  mission  will  yet  be  unfulfilled.  Then  it  will 
be  that  he  will  apply  his  principles  of  negro  equality, 
that  is,  if  he  can  get  the  Dred  Scott  decision  reversed 
meantime.  He  will  then  change  the  Constitution 
again,  and  allow  negroes  to  vote  and  hold  office, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  135 

and  will  make  them  eligible  to  the  Legislature,  so 
that,  thereafter,  they  can  have  the  right  men  for 
United  States  Senators.  He  will  allow  them  to  vote 
to  elect  the  Legislature  and  the  Governor,  and  will 
make  them  eligible  to  the  office  of  Judge  or  Governor 
or  to  the  Legislature.  He  will  put  them  on  an  equal 
ity  with  the  white  man.  What  then  ?  Of  course 
after  making  them  eligible  to  the  Judiciary,  when 
he  gets  Cuffee  elevated  to  the  Bench,  he  certainly  will 
not  refuse  his  Judge  the  privilege  of  marrying  any 
woman  he  may  select.  I  submit  to  you  whether 
these  are  not  the  legitimate  consequences  of  his  doc 
trine." 

Lincoln's  reply  was  direct  and  forcible.  He  ac 
cused  Douglas  of  misrepresenting  him,  and  denied 
the  truth  of  many  of  his  assumptions.  His  reply  to 
the  allegation  that  he  favored  the  admission  of  the 
negro  to  social  and  civil  equality  could  leave  no 
doubt  as  to  his  sentiments.  He  said:  "I  have  no 
purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I 
believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no 
inclination  to  do  so.  I  have  no  purpose  to  introduce 
political  and  social  equality  between  the  white  and 
black  races.  There  is  a  physical  difference  between 
the  two  which,  in  my  judgment,  will  probably  for 
ever  forbid  their  living  together  on  a  footing  of  per 
fect  equality,  and  inasmuch  as  it  becomes  a  necessity 
that  there  must  be  a  difference,  I,  as  well  as  Judge 
Douglas,  am  in  favor  of  the  race  to  which  I  belong 
having  the  superior  place.  I  have  never  said  any 
thing  to  the  contrary,  but  I  hold  that,  notwithstand 
ing  all  this,  there  is  no  reasqq  in  the  world  why  tfie 


136  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

negro  is  not  entitled  to  all  the  natural  rights  enumer 
ated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  right  to 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  I  hold  that 
he  is  as  much  entitled  to  these  as  the  white  man.  I 
agree  with  Judge  Douglas  that  he  is  not  my  equal  in 
many  respects — certainly  not  in  color,  perhaps  not  in 
moral  or  intellectual  endowment.  But  in  the  right  to 
eat  the  bread,  without  the  leave  of  anybody  else,  which  his 
own  hand  earns,  he  is  my  equal,  and  /he  equal  of  Judge 
Douglas,  and  the  equal  of  any  living  man'' 

At  Ottawa  Judge  Douglas  propounded  seven  ques 
tions  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  which  he  wished  explicit  an 
swers.  These  answers  Lincoln  gave  clearly  and 
pointedly,  and  then  propounded  other  questions  to 
Douglas,  some  of  which  he  had  difficulty  in  honestly 
answering. 

In  the  course  of  Lincoln's  reply,  at  Alton,  occurred 
the  following  interesting  and  significant  passage  :  "  I 
have  stated,  upon  former  occasions,  and  I  may  as 
well  state  again,  what  I  consider  to  be  the  real  point 
of  controversy  between  Judge  Douglas  and  myself. 
On  the  point  of  my  wanting  to  make  war  between 
the  free  and  slave  States,  there  has  been  no  issue  be 
tween  us.  So,  too,  when  he  assumes  that  I  am  in 
favor  of  introducing  a  perfect  social  and  political 
equality  between  the  white  and  black  races.  These 
are  false  issues,  upon  which  Judge  Douglas  has  tried 
to  force  the  controversy.  There  is  no  foundation  in 
truth  for  the  charge  that  I  maintain  either  of  these 
propositions.  The  real  issue  in  this  controversy— 
the  one  pressing  upon  every  mind — is  the  sentiment 
on  the  part  of  one  class,  that  looks  upon  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery  as  wrong,  and  of  another  class  that 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  137 

does  not  look  upon  it  as  wrong.  The  sentiment  that 
contemplates  the  institution  of  slavery  in  this  coun 
try  as  a  wrong  is  the  sentiment  of  the  Republican 
party.  It  is  the  sentiment  around  which  all  their 
actions — all  their  arguments — circle;  from  which  all 
their  propositions  radiate.  They  look  upon  it  as 
being  a  moral,  social  and  political  wrong  ;  and  while 
they  contemplate  it  as  such,  they  nevertheless  have 
due  regard  for  its  actual  existence  among  us,  and  the 
difficulties  of  getting  rid  of  it  in  any  satisfactory  way, 
and  to  all  the  constitutional  obligations  thrown 
around  it.  Yet  having  a  due  regard  for  these,  they 
desire  a  policy  in  regard  to  it  that  looks  to  its  not 
creating  any  more  danger.  They  insist  that  it  should, 
as  far  as  may  be,  be  treated  as  a  wrong  ;  and  one  of 
the  methods  of  treating  it  as  a  wrong  is  to  make  pro 
vision  that  it  shall  grow  no  larger.  They  also  desire 
a  policy  that  looks  to  a  peaceful  end  of  slavery  at 
some  time.  These  are  the  views  they  entertain  in 
regard  to  it,  as  I  understand  them  ;  and  all  their 
sentiments — all  their  arguments  and  propositions 
come  within  this  range.  I  have  said,  and  I  repeat  it 
here,  that  if  there  be  a  man  among  us,  who  does 
not  think  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  wrong  in 
any  one  of  the  aspects  of  which  I  have  spoken,  he  is 
misplaced,  and  ought  not  to  be  with  us.  And  if  there 
be  a  man  among  us  who  is  so  impatient  of  it  as  a 
wrong  as  to  disregard  its  actual  presence  among  us, 
and  the  difficulty  of  getting  rid  of  it  suddenly  in  a 
satisfactory  way,  and  to  disregard  the  constitutional 
obligations  thrown  about  it,  that  man  is  misplaced  if 
he  is  on  our  platform.  We  disclaim  sympathy  with 
him  in  practical  action.  .  .  .  That  is  the  real  issue — 


138  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

that  is  the  issue  that  will  continue  in  this  country, 
when  these  poor  tongues  of  Judge  Douglas  and  my 
self  shall  be  silent.  It  is  the  eternal  struggle  between 
these  two  principles,  right  and  wrong,  throughout 
the  world.  They  are  the  two  principles  that  have 
stood  face  to  face  since  the  beginning  of  time,  and 
will  ever  continue  to  struggle.  The  one  is  the  com 
mon  right  of  humanity;  the  other  is  the  divine  right 
of  kings.  It  is  the  same  principle  in  whatever  shape 
it  develops  itself.  It  is  the  same  spirit  that  says, 
*  You  work  and  toil  and  earn  bread,  and  I  will  eat  it.' 
No  matter  in  what  shape  it  comes — whether  from 
the  mouth  of  a  king,  who  seeks  to  bestride  the  peo 
ple  of  his  own  nation,  and  live  upon  the  fruit  of  their 
labor,  or  from  one  race  of  men  as  an  apology  for 
enslaving  another  race,  it  is  the  same  tyrannical  prin 
ciple." 

"  The  contest  between  Douglas  and  Lincoln,"  says 
Dr.  Newton  Bateman,  "  was  one  between  sharpness 
and  greatness.  Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  a  man  strongly 
possessed  by  a  belief  to  which  he  was  earnestly  striv 
ing  to  win  the  people  over  ;  while  the  aim  of  Mr. 
Douglas  seemed  rather  to  be  simply  to  defeat  Mr. 
Lincoln." 

So  serious  did  Lincoln  consider  his  task  that  he 
departed  from  his  custom  and  indulged  in  few  pleas 
antries  ;  yet,  occasionally,  his  sense  of  the  humorous 
led  him  to  make  some  sharp  hits  against  his  oppo 
nent.  In  his  speech  at  Galesburgh,  Douglas  remarked, 
with  a  sneer,  that  "  honest  Abe "  had  once  been  a 
liquor-seller.  Lincoln  replied  that,  when  a  young 
man,  he  had  been  compelled  by  poverty  to  work  in  a 
store  where  one  of  his  duties  was  to  retail  liquor ; 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  139 

"  but,"  said  he,  "  the  difference  between  Judge  Doug 
las  and  myself  is  just  this,  that  while  I  was  behind 
the  bar,  he  was  in  front  of  it." 

At  another  time  Douglas  said  that  his  father,  who 
was  an  excellent  cooper,  had  apprenticed  him  to 
learn  the  cabinet  business.  Lincoln  seized  the  op 
portunity  to  remark  that  he  had  long  known  that 
Douglas  was  in  the  cabinet  business,  but  he  had  never 
known  that  his  father  was  a  cooper;  "  But,"  said  he, 
"I  have  no  doubt  that  he  was  a  good  one,  for  he 
made  one  of  the  best  whiskey  casks  I  have  ever  seen," 
at  the  same  time  bowing  to  his  opponent,  who  was 
sitting  near  him.  The  allusion  was  instantly  under 
stood  by  the  audience,  and  was  greeted  with  roars  of 
laughter. 

During  the  campaign  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  about  fifty 
times,  yet  when  he  made  his  last  speech  his  voice  was 
as  clear  and  vigorous  as  ever,  and  he  "  seemed  like  a 
trained  athlete,  ready  to  enter,  rather  than  one  who 
had  closed  a  conflict."  There  is  no  question  but  that 
the  advantage  in  the  contest  lay  with  Mr.  Lincoln 
rather  than  with  Mr.  Douglas,  yet  he  failed  to  secure 
his  election  to  the  Senate  ;  for,  although  the  Republi 
can  State  officers  were  elected,  the  Legislature  re 
mained  Democratic  on  account  of  the  hold-over 
Representatives,  and  Judge  Douglas  was  re-elected 
to  his  third  Senatorial  term. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  Lincoln  was  deeply 
disappointed.  Yet  the  splendid  results  of  his  great 
debates  were  exceedingly  gratifying  to  him.  They 
really  formed  the  opening  to  the  last  great  period  in 
his  career — the  period  for  which  all  the  preceding 
years  of  his  life  had  been  but  the  preparation,  though 


140  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

unconsciously  to  himself.  To  the  student  of  his  life 
and  times  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen  that  every  element 
and  influence  of  his  life  tended  to  give  him  the  most 
complete  preparation  for  his  last  five  years.  His 
Presidential  term  was  but  the  blossom  of  which  his 
previous  life  had  furnished  the  stalk  and  leaf  ;  but, 
alas,  the  blossom  was  destined  never  to  develop  into 
the  ripe  fruit. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

HENCEFORTH  Lincoln  was  looked  upon,  throughout 
the  country,  as  a  new  factor  in  politics,  unexpected 
and  unique,  but  original  and  forcible.     And  the  eyes 
of   the    Republican    party  turned   towards   him  as  a 
possible  candidate  for  the  Presidency.     As  the  Demo 
cracy  was  dividing  itself  into  two  factions,  the  mod 
erate   and   radical,  of   which    the  former  was  repre 
sented  by  Judge  Douglas,  so  the  Republicans  found 
a   similar  division   in   their   ranks.     Mr.  Sewrard,  the 
recognized  leader  of  the  party,   represented  the  ex 
treme  Abolition  element,  and  Lincoln,  the  more  mod 
erate  wing.     Whereas  the  former  had  said  and  done 
much  to  alienate  from  him  many  of  the  rank  and  file- 
of  the  party,  Lincoln,  by  his  splendid,  yet  moderate, 
championship  of  the  party  principles,  had  gained  the 
friendship  of  all,  the  enmity  of  none.    From  this  time 
on  he  continued    to   grow  in    the    estimation   of    the 
party,  and  his  every  act  served  to  confirm  his  popu 
larity.     He  was  a  politician  as  well  as  a  statesman, 
and  to  assume  that  he    remained    unconcernedly  at 
home,    and    did    nothinp;   to    accelerate    the    current 
which  was  carrying    him    towards    the    Presidential 
chair,  is  to  ignore  historical  facts.   He  was  ambitious, 
and  his  still  more  ambitious  wife  did  much  to  arouse 
and  urge  him  on.     By  letters,  addresses  and  consulta 
tions  he  labored    to   strengthen    his   hold   upon    his 


142  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

party  and  his  title  to  preferment.  Never  indulging 
in  underhanded  methods  nor  seeking  to  undermine 
his  rivals,  he  yet  did  all  an  honorable  and  shrewd  man 
could  do  to  bring  about  the  desired  result. 

He  has  been  frequently  represented  as  sitting 
quietly  down  and  laying  hold  of  the  honors,  which 
Providence  showered  upon  him,  without  an  effort  on 
his  part  to  secure  them.  But  this  is  a  mistake; 
political  preferment  comes  to  few  men  without  effort 
and  solicitation,  in  this  age  of  the  world,  and  Lincoln 
formed  no  exception  to  the  rule. 

After  the  great  debates  the  idea  of  presenting  him 
as  a  presidential  candidate  came  to  many  of  his 
friends,  some  of  whom  approached  him  on  the  sub 
ject.  At  first  he  opposed  the  suggestion  ;  "  What  is 
the  use  of 'talking  of  me,"  he  said,  "  when  we  have 
such  men  as  Seward  and  Charles  Sumner,  and  every 
body  knows  them,  while  scarcely  anybody  outside  of 
Illinois  knows  me  ?  Besides,  as  a  matter  of  justice,  is 
it  not  due  them  ?  "  His  friends  admitted  the  claims 
of  these  eminent  men  upon  the  party  but  showed 
that,  on  account  of  their  radical  opinions  and  utter 
ances,  they  could  never  be  available  candidates  ; 
while  he  had  kept  himself  clear  from  all  political 
entanglements  and  was  not  known  to  be  openly  an 
Abolitionist,  and  his  political  creed  of  "  opposition 
to  the  further  extension  of  slavery  "  was  so  simple 
and  moderate  that  it  commended  itself  to  both  wings 
of  the  party.  As  time  passed  on,  he  became  more 
and  more  deeply  absorbed  in  the  political  life  of  the 
country  and  began  to  neglect  seriously  his  law  busi 
ness. 

In  the  autumn  of  1859,  Senator  Douglas  was  invited 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  143 

to  address  the  Democracy  at  Columbus  and  Cincin 
nati  during  the  campaign  preceding  the  State  elec 
tion.  There  was  a  magic  in  the  very  name  of  Doug 
las.  It  was  only  necessary  to  announce  that  he  would 
speak  to  fill  the  largest  halls  to  be  secured  in  any 
part  of  the  country.  So,  here  in  Ohio,  he  was 
greeted  with  the  usual  display  of  enthusiasm  and  his 
speeches  were  able  and  effective.  But  the  name  of 
Lincoln  had  been  too  closely  associated  with  that  of 
Douglas  to  be  forgotten  now,  and  the  Republicans 
made  arrangements  for  him  to  speak  in  both  the 
cities,  where  Douglas  had  been.  His  audiences  were 
large  and  attentive,  and  contained  many  representa 
tives  of  the  opposing  political  party.  Many  went  out 
of  mere  curiosity  to  see  and  hear  the  man  who  had 
proved  himself  to  be  more  than  the  peer  of  Douglas, 
but  all  acknowledged  his  ability  as  an  orator  and  his 
political  sagacity.  His  work  in  the  State  contribu 
ted,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  Republican  victory 
which  followed. 

At  Cincinnati  there  were  many  pro-slavery  men 
from  Kentucky  in  the  audience  and  to  them  he 
addressed  part  of  his  speech.  In  the  directness  and 
force  of  his  arguments,  and  his  earnest  and  logical 
exposition  of  party  principles,  his  speech  had  not 
been  excelled  by  any  previous  effort. 

In  concluding  that  part  of  his  speech,  which  was 
addressed  to  the  Kentuckians,  he  asked  the  following 
pointed  questions.  "  I  often  hear  it  intimated  that 
you  intend  to  divide  the  Union  whenever  a  Republi 
can,  or  anything  like  it,  is  elected  President  of  the 
United  States.  ...  I  want  to  know  what  you  are 
going  to  do  with  your  half  of  it  ?  Are  you  going  to 


144  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

split  the  Ohio  down  through  and  push  your  half  off 
a  piece  ?  Or  are  you  going  to  keep  it  right  alongside 
of  us  outrageous  fellows  ?  Or  are  you  going  to  build 
up  a  wall  some  way  between  your  country  and  ours, 
by  which  that  movable  property  of  yours  can't  come 
over  here  any  more,  to  the  danger  of  your  losing  it  ? 
Do  you  think  you  can  better  yourselves  on  that  sub 
ject,  by  leaving  us  here  under  no  obligation,  what 
ever,  to  return  those  specimens  of  your  movable 
property  which  came  hither  ?  You  have  divided  the 
Union  because  we  would  not  do  right  with  you,  as 
you  think,  upon  that  subject  ;  when  we  cease  to  be 
under  obligations  to  do  anything  for  you,  how  much 
better  off  do  you  you  think  will  be  ?  Will  you  make 
war  upon  us  and  kill  us  all  ?  Why,  gentlemen,  I  think 
you  are  as  gallant  and  brave  men  as  live,  that  you 
can  fight  as  bravely  in  a  good  cause,  as  any  other 
people  living ;  that  you  have  shown  yourselves 
capable  of  this  upon  various  occasions  ;  but,  man  for 
man,  you  are  not  better  than  we  are,  and  there  are 
not  so  many  of  you  as  there  are  of  us.  You  will 
never  make  much  of  a  hand  at  whipping  us.  If  we 
were  fewer  in  numbers  than  you  I  think  that  you 
could  whip  us  ;  if  we  were  equal  it  would  likely  be  a 
drawn  battle  ;  but  being  inferior  in  numbers  you  will 
make  nothing  by  attempting  to  master  us." 

From  time  to  time  reports  of  the  eccentric  sayings 
and  doings  of  the  Illinois  statesman  had  found  their 
way  East.  These  had  served  to  amuse  the  people  and 
excite  their  curiosity,  rather  than  to  impress  them 
with  his  ability  as  a  party-leader  or  as  a  statesman, 
but  when  he  met  and  overcame,  on  the  forensic  arena, 
the  man  who  bore  the  reputation  of  being  the  most 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  145 

finished  and  forcible  debater  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  who  had  never,  up  to  that  time,  met  his 
equal,  they  were  surprised,  and  became  possessed 
with  the  desire  to  see  and  hear  the  "  rude,  Western 
orator."  Accordingly  he  was  invited  to  deliver  a 
lecture  in  a  course  to  be  given  in  the  Plymouth 
Church,  in  Brooklyn.  He  consented,  with  the  under 
standing  that  he  be  permitted  to  speak  upon  some 
political  subject.  When  he  arrived  in  New  York,  on 
February  25,  1860,  he  found,  to  his  surprise,  that  the 
arrangements  had  been  changed,  and  that  he  was 
advertised  to  speak  in  Cooper  Institute. 

Never  had  he  bestowed  so  much  study  upon  a 
speech  before.  For  months  all  his  thought  and 
research  had  been  directed  to  its  preparation,  yet, 
when  he  found  that  he  was  to  speak  in  New  York,  and 
in  this  famous  hall,  he  expressed  the  fear  that  he  was 
not  equal  to  the  occasion  and  that  the  effort  would 
result  in  failure. 

A  large  part  of  the  audience  had  assembled,  either 
from  curiosity  or  to  be  amused  by  "  the  buffoonery  of 
the  low-born  speaker."  But  never  was  an  audience 
more  surprised,  for  instead  of  jokes  and  stories,  the 
address  was  scholarly  and  refined,  and  with  nothing 
offensive  to  the  most  fastidious  taste.  The  scene  was 
an  impressive  one,  and  the  audience  of  a  character 
such  as  Lincoln  had  never  before  addressed.  Upon 
the  platform  sat  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  new 
party,  and  the  meeting  was  presided  over  by  William 
Cullen  Bryant,  whose  voice  had  early  been  attuned  to 
the  song  of  freedom. 

Mr.  Lincoln  afterwards  remarked  that  it  was  worth 
a    journey    East    "  only  to  see    such    a    man."     Mr. 


146  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Bryant  introduced  the  speaker  with  a  flattering  refer 
ence  to  his  record  as  an  orator.  "  Mr.  Lincoln  began 
his  address  in  a  low,  monotonous  tone,  but  as  he 
advanced,  his  quaint  but  clear  voice  rang  out  boldly 
and  distinctly  enough  for  all  to  hear.  His  manner 
was,  to  a  New  York  audience,  a  very  strange  one,  but 
it  was  captivating.  He  held  the  vast  meeting  spell 
bound,  and  as  one  by  one  his  oddly-expressed,  but 
trenchant  and  convincing  arguments  confirmed  the 
soundness  of  his  political  theories,  the  house  broke 
out  in  wild  and  prolonged  enthusiasm." 

A  large  part  of  the  address  was  historical,  tracing 
the  origin  and  growth  of  slavery,  the  various  causes 
and  influences  by  which  it  had  been  affected  and  then 
defining  its  present  status,  with  words  of  sage  advice 
to  the  young  Republican  party.  He  took  as  his  sub 
ject,  or  rather  point  of  departure,  a  short  passage 
from  one  of  Senator  Douglas's  speeches,  as  follows  : 
"Our  fathers,  when  they  framed  the  government, 
under  which  we  live,  understood  this  question  just  as 
well,  and  even  better  than  we  do  now." 

The  question  referred  to  by  Douglas,  he  stated  con 
cisely  as  :  "  Does  the  proper  division  of  local  from 
federal  authority,  or  anything  in  the  Constitution  for 
bid  our  federal  Government  to  control,  as  to  slavery, 
in  federal  territories  ?  Upon  this  Senator  Douglas 
holds  the  affirmation  and  the  Republicans  the  nega 
tive.  This  affirmative  and  denial  form  an  issue,  and 
this  issue — this  question — is  precisely  what  the  text 
declares,  '  our  fathers  understood  better  than  we.'  " 

The  great  Cooper  Institute  speech  made  a  strong 
and  abiding  impression  and  convinced  the  people  of 
the  East  that  Lincoln  was  not  only  master  of  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  147 

political  situation,  but  was  possessed  of  the  ele 
ments  of  true  greatness.  The  speech  was  widely 
reported  and  was  afterwards  published  in  pamphlet 
form  and  used  for  campaign  purposes.  In  the  pref 
ace  of  one  of  the  editions  the  editors '  made  the  fol 
lowing  statement,  which  well  expresses  the  estimate 
in  which  the  speech  was  held  : 

"  No  one  who  has  not  actually  attempted  to  verify 
its  details  can  understand  the  patient  research  and 
historical  labor  it  embodies.  The  history  of  our  ear 
Her  politics  is  scattered  through  numerous  journals, 
statutes,  pamphlets  and  letters  ;  and  these  are  defec 
tive  in  completeness  and  accuracy  of  statement,  and 
in  indexes  and  tables  of  contents.  Neither  can  any 
one,  who  has  not  traveled  over  this  precise  ground, 
appreciate  the  accuracy  of  every  trivial  detail,  or  the 
self-denying  impartiality  with  which  Mr.  Lincoln  has 
turned  from  the  testimony  of  the  'fathers'  on  the 
general  question  of  slavery,  to  present  the  single  ques 
tion  which  he  discusses.  From  the  first  line  to  the 
last,  from  his  premises  to  his  conclusion,  he  travels 
with  a  swift,  unerring  directness,  which  no  logician 
ever  excelled — an  argument  complete  and  full,  with 
out  the  affectation  of  learning,  and  without  the  stiff 
ness,  which  usually  accompanies  dates  and  details. 
A  single,  easy,  simple  sentence,  of  plain  Anglo-Saxon 
words  contains  a  chapter  of  history,  that,  in  some 
instances,  has  taken  days  of  labor  to  verify,  and  must 
have  cost  the  author  months  of  investigation  to  ac 
quire  ;  and  though  the  public  should  justly  estimate 
the  labor  bestowed  on  facts  which  are  stated,  they  can- 


:  Nott  and  Brainard. 


148  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

not  estimate  the  greater  labor  involved  in  those  which 
are  omitted.  How  many  pages  have  been  read — how 
many  works  examined — what  numerous  statutes, 
resolutions,  speeches,  letters  and  biographies  have 
been  looked  through  ?  Commencing  with  this  address, 
as  a  political  pamphlet,  the  reader  will  leave  it  as  an 
historical  work — brief,  complete,  profound,  impar 
tial,  truthful — which  will  survive  the  time  and  the 
occasion  that  called  it  forth  and  be  esteemed  here 
after  no  less  for  its  intrinsic  worth  than  for  its  unpre 
tending  modesty." 

The  address  revolutionized  the  Republican  senti 
ments  of  the  East.  As  the  aristocratic  Jews  of  old 
regarded  Galilee,  so  did  the  East  regard  the  West. 
"  Can  anything  good  come  out  of  the  West  ? "  was 
the  thought,  if  not  the  expression  of  the  East,  and 
the  feeling  was  natural.  The  Atlantic  border  had 
been  so  long  settled  that  the  wildness  of  nature  had 
passed  away.  From  the  earliest  colonization  of  the 
country  the  centre  of  civilization  had  been  here,  and 
the  measure  of  refinement  and  culture  had  dimin 
ished  exactly  as  the  distance  from  the  sea-board  in 
creased.  That  the  interior  had  been  the  scene  of  the 
most  remarkable  development  of  all  time,  the  people 
of  the  older  States  could  not  deny,  but  that  it  had,  as 
well,  acquired  an  intellectual  prestige  equal  to  their 
own,  and  a  culture  and  refinement  which  would  en 
able  its  sons  to  meet  their  own  statesmen  and  orators 
on  equal  terms,  was  a  yielding  of  proud  superiority 
of  which  they  were  not  capable. 

That  Lincoln  was  pre-eminent  among  the  Western 
pioneers  they  were  willing  to  admit,  but  they  could 
not  for  a  moment  imagine  him  standing  upon  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  149 

same  platform  with,  and  the  peer  of  such  men  as 
Seward,  Chase,  Sumner  and  others,  before  whose 
genius  the  whole  American  people  did  homage.  For 
a  moment,  Lincoln's  ungainliness  and  diffidence 
seemed  to  justify  their  preconceived  opinion,  but,  as 
he  entered  more  and  more  deeply  into  the  spirit  of 
his  theme,  and  his  awkwardness  gave  place  to  a  sim 
ple  majesty  of  demeanor,  the  whole  audience  felt  his 
power,  and  from  that  time  no  one  questioned  his 
ability  or  his  right  to  be  called  a  statesman. 

This  address  was  the  turning-point  in  his  career. 
He  stepped  upon  the  platform  a  comparatively  un 
known  politician,  before  he  left  it  his  right  to  the 
name  of  statesman  was  conceded.  When  he  began, 
he  had  but  little  pretension  to  political  preferment; 
when  he  ended,  he  was  recognized  as  a  formidable 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  Before,  he  was  re 
ported  to  be  a  western  boor,  who  strove  to  entertain 
his  audiences  by  clownish  buffoonery  ;  after,  he  was 
ranked  in  ability  and  culture  with  the  few  choice 
spirits  of  the  East.  The  address  did  for  him  what 
the  debates  could  not,  for  it  was  recognized  as  the 
calm  and  deliberate  utterance  of  a  thoughtful  man, 
uninfluenced  by  the  intense  partisanship  of  a  heated 
political  campaign. 

The  address  was,  in  the  highest  sense,  political,  and 
in  it,  more  fully  than  before,  he  committed  himself  to 
the  single  issue  of  opposition  to  the  further  extension 
of  slavery.  As  an  institution,  he  did  not  oppose  it, 
because  "  wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we  can  yet 
afford  to  let  it  alone  where  it  is,  because  that  much  is 
due  to  the  necessity  arising  from  its  actual  presence 
in  the  nation,  but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will  prevent 


150  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

it,  allow  it  to  spread  into  the  National  Territories 
and  to  overrun  us  here  in  these  free  States."  The 
platform,  thus  enunciated,  was  so  simple  that  not 
only  could  all  Republicans  accept  it,  but  it  exactly 
represented  the  political  belief  of  many  Northern 
Democrats.  Thus,  both  the  personality  of  the 
man  and  his  political  doctrines  commended  him 
to  the  party  at  large  as  its  most  available  can 
didate. 

While  in  New  York,  at  this  time,  Mr.  Lincoln  visited 
the  famous  Five  Points  Sunday-school.  The  fol 
lowing  touching  account  of  the  visit  is  from  his 
own  lips  : 

"'When  Sunday  came,  I  didn't  know  exactly  what 
to  do.  Washburne  asked  me  where  I  was  going.  I 
told  him  I  had  nowhere  to  go  ;  and  he  proposed  to 
take  me  down  to  the  Five  Points  Sunday-school,  to 
show  me  something  worth  seeing.  I  was  very  much 
interested  by  what  I  saw.  Presently,  Mr.  Pease,  the 
Superintendent,  came  up  and  spoke  to  Mr.  Wash 
burne,  who  introduced  me.  Mr.  Pease  wanted  us  to 
speak.  Washburne  spoke,  and  then  I  was  urged  to 
speak.  I  told  them  I  did  not  know  anything  about 
talking  to  Sunday-schools,  but  Mr.  Pease  said  many 
of  the  children  were  friendless  and  homeless,  and  that 
a  few  words  would  do  them  good.  Washburne  said 
I  must  talk.  And  so  I  rose  to  speak  ;  but  I  tell  you 
I  didn't  know  what  to  say.  I  remembered  that  Mr. 
Pease  said  that  they  were  homeless  and  friendless, 
and  I  thought  of  the  time  when  I  had  been  pinched 
by  terrible  poverty.  And  so  I  told  them  that  I  had 
been  poor ;  that  I  remembered  when  my  toes  stuck 
out  through  my  broken  shoes  in  winter;  when  my 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  151 

arms  were  out  at  the  elbows  ;  when  I  shivered  with 
the  cold.  And  I  told  them  there  was  only  one  rule :  That 
was,  always  do  the  very  best  you  can.  I  told  them 
that  I  had  always  tried  to  do  the  very  best  I  could  ; 
and  that,  if  they  would  follow  that  rule,  they  would 
get  along  somehow.  That  was  about  what  I  said. 
And  when  I  got  through,  Mr.  Pease  said  it  was  just 
the  thing  they  needed.  And  when  the  school  was 
dismissed,  all  the  teachers  came  up  and  shook  hands 
with  me,  and  thanked  me  for  it ;  although  I  did  not 
know  that  I  was  saying  anything  of  any  account. 
But  the  next  morning  I  saw  my  remarks  noticed  in 
the  papers.'  Just  here  Mr.  Lincoln  put  his  hand  in 
his  pocket,  and  remarked  that  he  had  never  heard 
anything  that  touched  him  as  had  the  songs  which 
those  children  sang.  With  that  he  drew  forth  a 
little  book,  remarking  that  they  had  given  him  one  of 
the  books  from  which  they  sang.  He  began  to  read 
a  piece  to  the  friends  to  whom  these  remarks  were 
addressed,  with  all  the  earnestness  of  his  great 
earnest  soul.  In  the  middle  of  the  second  verse  his 
auditors  became  deeply  affected  and  soon  the  tears 
were  falling  from  their  eyes.  At  the  same  time  they 
noticed  the  great  blinding  tears  in  the  eyes  of  Lin 
coln,  who  was  reading  straight  on,  so  that  he  could 
not  see  the  page.  He  was  repeating  that  little  song 
from  memory.  How  often  he  had  read  it,  or  how  its 
sweet  and  simple  accents  continued  to  reverberate 
through  his  soul,  no  one  can  know."  1 

Mr.  Pease,    the  Superintendent  of  the  school,  gives 
the    following    interesting    account   of    this  event : 


i  Edward  Eggleston  in  Browne's  "  Life  of  Lincoln.'* 


152  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

"One  Sunday  morning,  I  saw  a  tall,  remarkable-look 
ing  man  enter  the  room  and  take  a  seat  among  us. 
He  listened  with  fixed  attention  to  our  exercises,  and 
his  countenance  expressed  such  genuine  interest  that 
I  approached  him  and  suggested  that  he  might  be 
willing  to  say  something  to  the  children.  He  accepted 
the  invitation  with  evident  pleasure  ;  and,  coming 
forward,  began  a  simple  address  which  at  once  fasci 
nated  every  little  hearer  and  hushed  the  room  into 
silence.  His  language  was  strikingly  beautiful,  and 
his  tones  musical  with  intense  feeling.  The  little 
faces  would  droop  into  sad  conviction  as  he 
uttered  sentences  of  warning,  and  would  brighten 
into  sunshine  as  he  spoke  cheerful  words  of  promise. 
f  Once  or  twice  he  attempted  to  close  his  remarks,  but 
/  the  imperative  shout,  'Go  on  !  O,  do  go  on  ! '  would 
compel  him  to  resume.  As  I  looked  upon  the  gaunt, 
sinewy  frame  of  the  stranger,  and  marked  his  power 
ful  head  and  determined  features,  now  touched  into 
softness  by  the  impressions  of  the  moment,  I  felt  an 
irrepressible  curiosity  to  learn  something  more  about 
him,  and  while  he  was  quietly  leaving  the  room  I 
begged  to  know  his  name.  He  courteously  replied  : 
1  It  is  Abraham  Lincoln,  from  Illinois.'" 

After  spending  a  day  or  two  in  New  York,  Mr.  Lin 
coln  made  a  short  tour  through  New  England,  and 
spoke  at  a  number  of  places.  On  the  morning  after 
his  speech  at  Norwich  Conn.,  Rev.  Mr.  Gulliver  met 
.him  upon  the  train,  and  entered  into  conversation 
with  him.  In  referring  to  his  speech,  Mr.  Gulliver 
said  that  he  thought  it  the  most  remarkable  one  he 
had  ever  heard.  "  Are  you  sincere  in  what  you  say  ? " 
inquired  Mr.  Lincoln. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  153 

"  I  mean  every  word  of  it,"  replied  the  minister. 
"  Indeed,  sir,"  he  continued,  "  I  learned  more  of  the 
art  of  public  speaking  last  evening,  than  I  could  from 
a  whole  course  of  lectures  on  rhetoric." 

Then  Mr.  Lincoln  informed  him  of  a  most "  extraor 
dinary  circumstance  "  that  occurred  at  New  Haven  a 
few  days  previously.  A  professor  of  rhetoric  in  Yale 
College,, he  had  been  told,  came  to  hear  him,  took 
notes  of  his  speech,  and  gave  a  lecture  on  it  to  his 
class  on  the  following  day,  and,  not  satisfied  with 
that,  followed  him  to  Meriden  the  next  evening,  and 
heard  him  again  for  the  same  purpose.  All  of  this 
seemed  to  Lincoln  to  be  "  very  extraordinary."  He 
had  been  sufficiently  astonished  by  his  success  in  the 
West,  but  he  had  no  expectation  of  any  marked. suc 
cess  in  the  East,  particularly  among  refined  and  liter 
ary  men. 

"  Now,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  should  very  much 
like  to  know  what  it  was  in  my  speech  which  you 
thought  so  remarkable,  and  which  interested  my 
friend,  the  professor,  so  much  ?  " 

Mr.  Gulliver's  answer  was  :  "  The  clearness  of  your 
statements,  the  unanswerable  style  of  your  reason 
ing  and  especially  your  illustrations,  which  were 
romance  and  pathos  and  fun  and  logic  welded 
together."  After  Mr.  Gulliver  had  fully  satisfied  his 
curiosity  by  a  further  exposition  of  the  politician's 
power,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  : 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  this.  I  have  been 
wishing  for  a  long  time  to  find  some  one  who  would 
make  this  analysis  for  me.  It  throws  light  upon  a 
subject  which  has  been  dark  to  me.  I  can  understand 
very  readily  how  such  a  power  as  you  have  ascribed 


154  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 


to  me,  will  account  for  the  effect  which  seems  to  be 
produced  by  my  speeches.  I  hope  you  have  not  been 
too  flattering  in  your  estimate.  Certainly,  I  have  had 
a  most  wonderful  success  for  a  man  of  my  limited 
education  " 1 


1  Mr.  Gulliver  in  the  New  York  Independent. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MR.  LINCOLN'S  candidacy  for  the  Presidency  was 
quietly  but  efficiently  promoted  by  judicious  friends, 
as  well  as  by  his  own  efforts,  during  the  months 
which  intervened  before  the  National  Convention. 

Meantime  affairs  were  so  shaping  themselves  as  to 
contribute  more  and  more  to  the  certainty  of  Repub 
lican  success.  Judge  Douglas  was  actively  engaged 
in  a  canvass  to  insure  his  own  nomination  by  the 
Democratic  Convention,  which  was  to  meet  in 
Charleston,  April  23,  1860.  He  sought  to  propitiate 
the  hostile  element  of  the  South  and,  at  the  same 
time,  not  to  alienate  the  friendly  element  of  the 
North.  Instead  of  standing  firm  upon  his  own  con 
victions  he  tried  to  trim  his  course  midway  between 
the  extreme  elements  of  the  Democracy  and  retain 
the  support  of  both.  In  this  he  failed.  While  the 
majority  of  the  delegates  to  the  Charleston  Conven 
tion  favored  him,  he  failed  to  secure  the  necessary 
two-thirds.  The  South  had  lost  their  confidence  in 
him  since  his  political  integrity  had  caused  him  to 
refuse  to  support  the  Lecompton  Constitution  and  by 
no  effort  could  he  regain  it.  The  Southern  wing 
withdrew  from  the  Convention  to  meet  later,  in  Rich 
mond,  while  the  Douglas  party  adjourned  to  Balti 
more,  where  the  great  Illinois  statesman  was  put  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency. 

The    Richmond    Convention  nominated    John    C. 


1 56  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Breckenridge  of  Kentucky.  Thus  Democratic  dis 
cord  resulted  in  a  party  division,  which  rendered  the 
success  of  the  Republican  party  almost  certain. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  was  called  to 
meet  in  Chicago,  May  16,  1860.  Six  days  previous  to 
this,  the  State  Convention  met  in  Decatur,  where  the 
movement  to  secure  the  nomination  for  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  publicly  inaugurated  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  nation  and  furnish  a  ral 
lying  cry  for  the  campaign.  The  Convention  was 
made  up  of  representative  men  of  the  party,  who  felt 
that  this  meeting,  held  just  before  the  greater  Con 
vention,  should  be  one  of  special  note.  Lincoln  was 
present,  apparently  out  of  mere  curiosity  and  with  no 
idea  that  he  would  receive  more  than  passing  notice 
from  the  delegates.  "A  few  minutes  after  the  Con 
vention  organized,  Governor  Oglesby  arose  and  said 
amid  increasing  silence  :  '  I  am  informed  that  a  dis 
tinguished  citizen  of  Illinois,  and  one  whom  Illinois 
will  ever  delight  to  honor,  is  present  ;  and  I  wish  to 
move  that  this  body  invite  him  to  a  seat  upon  the 
stand.'  Here  the  Governor  paused,  as  if  to  tease  and 
dally,  and  work  curiosity  up  to  the  highest  pitch  ; 
but  at  length  he  shouted  the  magic  name,  '  Abraham 
Lincoln.'  Not  a  shout  but  a  roar  of  applause,  long 
and  deep,  shook  every  board  and  joist  of  the  build 
ing."  J  Some  of  those  standing  nearest  seized  him  and 
hoisting  him  on  their  shoulders  passed  him  struggle- 
ing  and  kicking  over  the  heads  of  the  audience  to  the 
platform,  where  with  clothing  disarranged  and  face 
flushed,  he  tried  to  regain  his  composure. 


Lamon's  "  Life  of  Lincoln." 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  157 

Later  on  Governor  Oglesby  again  arose  and  said 
that  there  was  an  old  Democrat  outside,  who  wished 
to  present  something  to  the  Convention.  A  motion 
was  made  and  carried  that  he  be  admitted.  The 
doors  swung  open  and  a  sturdy,  open-featured  old 
man  entered  bearing  upon  his  shoulders  two  weather- 
beaten  fence  rails,  with  a  banner  floating  above  them 
bearing  the  inscription,  "  Two  rails  from  a  lot  made 
by  Abraham  Lincoln  and  John  Hanks  in  the  Sanga- 
mon  bottom  in  the  year  1830."  He  was  met  with  the 
wildest  enthusiasm  and  a  babel  of  shouts  and 
applause.  As  soon  as  the  tumult  subsided,  Lincoln 
was  called  upon  for  a  speech  and  afterwards  a  resolu 
tion  was  passed  to  the  effect  that  "Abraham  Lincoln 
is  the  first  choice  of  the  Republican  party  of  Illinois 
for  President,'  and  instructing  the  delegates  to  Chic 
ago  to  use  all  honorable  means  to  secure  his  nomina 
tion  and  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  State  as  a  unit  for 
him. 

The  Chicago  Convention  was  one  of  the  most  nota 
ble  of  all  the  great  political  meetings  which  have 
become  historic  during  the  present  century.  The 
majority  of  the  delegates  were  young  men  with 
enough  gray-haired  men  to  temper  their  actions  and 
measures  with  moderation.  Many  of  the  delegates 
were  afterwards  prominent  in  public  life.  Not  less 
than  sixty  were  destined  to  be  sent  to  Congress, 
many  became  Governors  of  States  or  occupied  other 
prominent  positions  of  public  trust. 

The  Convention  was  sectional,  being  made  up  of 
delegates  from  the  free  States,  and  the  five  border 
States  with  a  few  representatives  from  Texas.  David 
AVilmot,  the  author  of  the  famous  Proviso,  was  made 


• 


158  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

temporary  chairman,  and  George  Ashmun,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  representing  the  Conservative  element,  was 
made  permanent  chairman. 

Mr.  Seward  had  been  for  a  long  time  the  leading 
candidate  and  by  many  was  regarded  as  certain  of 
the  nomination.  The  other  candidates,  besides  Lin 
coln,  were  Edward  Bates  of  Missouri,  Salmon  P. 
Chase  of  Ohio,  Simon  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
Jacob  Collamer  of  Vermont.  There  were  none,  how 
ever,  with  the  exception  of  the  two  leading  candi 
dates,  who  received  any  material  support  outside  of 
their  respective  States. 

The  platform,  which  was  adopted  early  in  the  ses 
sion,  affirmed  the  right  of  all  men  to  "  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness"  and  declared  the  Con 
vention  to  be  in  favor  of  the  immediate  admission  of 
Kansas,  of  a  general  system  of  river  and  harbor 
improvements  and  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Coast.  It 
was  largely  made  up  of  negatives  denouncing  dis 
union,  extension  of  slavery,  the  re-opening  of 
the  slave-trade  and  popular  or  "  squatter "  sov 
ereignty. 

The  utmost  enthusiasm  pervaded  the  Convention 
at  each  meeting,  and  the  great  wigwam,  a  wooden 
structure  erected  for  the  occasion  on  the  lake-front, 
constantly  rung  with  cheers  and  acclamations.  The 
delegates  felt  that  the  candidate  for  the  Convention 
would  be  the  next  President,  yet  they  knew  that  he 
must  be  a  sectional  President.  That  the  country 
was  approaching  a  great  crisis  and  that  upon  the 
Republican  party  and  its  President  must  devolve  the 
task  of  defending  and  preserving  the  Union  and  set 
tling  the  vexed  question  forever,  must  have  been 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  159 

dimly  realized  by  all.  But  the  young  and  vig 
orous  party  was  eager  for  the  fray  and  ready  to 
assume  the  responsibility ;  how  great,  none  could 
foresee. 

From  the  first  the  tide  turned  strongly  towards  Lin 
coln.  On  the  first  ballot  Seward  received  173-!  votes 
and  Lincoln  102.  The  remainder  were  cast  for  the 
various  local  candidates.  On  the  second  ballot  many 
of  the  complimentary  votes  came  to  Lincoln,  while 
but  few  were  given  to  Seward,  who  received  184^  to 
181  for  Lincoln.  The  result  of  the  next  ballot  was 
not  doubtful,  and  long  before  it  was  completed  the 
news  flashed  all  over  the  land  that  Lincoln  "  the 
pioneer  statesman  "  "  honest  old  Abe  "  "  the  rail- 
splitter,"  "  the  flatboatman,"  was  the  Republican 
nominee. 

In  a  moment  the  multitude  in  the  streets  joined 
their  shouts  to  the  deafening  roar  within  the  wigwam. 
Cannon  were  fired  on  the  lake-front  and  bonfires 
were  lighted.  In  the  most  extravagant  manner  was 
the  approbation  of  the  people  manifested. 

The  Convention  closed  its  labors  by  nominating  for 
the  Vice-Presidency,  Hon.  Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine, 
than  which  a  wiser  selection  could  not  have  been  made. 
During  the  Convention  Mr.  Lincoln  remained  in 
Springfield  anxiously  awaiting  the  result.  When  the 
first  ballot  was  announced,  he  considered  it  very  fav 
orable  as  he  believed  that  Seward  would  show  nearly 
his  full  strength  at  the  outset.  The  second  ballot 
convinced  him  of  the  certainty  of  his  nomination. 
And  he  repaired  to  the  Journal  office  to  await  the 
result.  When  news  of  his  nomination  came,  he  was 
surrounded  by  excited  friends  who  alternately 


l6o  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

cheered  and  congratulated  him.  He  soon  remarked  : 
"  Well,  gentlemen,  there  is  a  little  short  woman  at 
our  house  who  is  probably  more  interested  in  this 
dispatch  than  I  am  ;  and  if  you  will  excuse  me  I  will 
take  it  up  and  let  her  see  it." 

During  the  day  a  hundred  guns  were  fired  at 
Springfield  and  the  nomination  was  ratified  in  the 
evening  by  a  monster  mass  meeting,  at  which  Lincoln 
was  present  and  spoke  briefly. 

The  morning  after  adjournment,  the  committee 
appointed  by  the  Convention,  headed  by  Hon.  George 
Ashmun,  went  to  Springfield  to  officially  notify  Mr. 
Lincoln  of  his  nomination.  They  arrived  at  his 
home  at  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The 
notification  was  given  in  a  few  well-chosen  words  and 
Mr.  Lincoln's  reply,  which  was  short  and  dignified, 
made  a  very  favorable  impression  upon  the  commit 
tee.  A  few  days  afterwards  his  letter  of  acceptance 
was  sent  to  the  National  Committee.  It  consisted  of 
a  declaration  of  his  acceptance  of  the  Convention 
platform,  and  of  the  nomination,  and  closed  with  these 
words  :  "  Imploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Provi 
dence,  and  with  due  regard  to  the  views  and  feelings 
of  all  who  were  represented  in  the  Convention  ;  to 
the  rights  of  all  the  States  and  Territories  and  all  the 
people  of  the  Nation  ;  to  the  inviolability  of  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  perpetual  union,  harmony  and  pros 
perity  of  all,  I  am  most  happy  to  co-operate  for  the 
practical  success  of  the  principles  declared  by  the 
Convention." 

Crowds  of  people  came  to  visit  the  Republican 
nominee,  either  out  of  curiosity  or  to  ingratiate  them 
selves  into  his  favor,  as  his  election  seemed  to  be 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  l6l 

assured.  His  little  house  was  found  to  be  too  small 
to  receive  the  large  delegations  which  frequently  came 
to  interview  him,  and,  hence,  the  Governor's  room 
in  the  State  House  was  placed  at  his  disposal.  There 
he  spent  the  summer  and  autumn  of  the  campaign, 
in  company  with  his  private  secretary,  John  G.  Nico- 
lay,  receiving  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  country 
and  of  all  ranks  and  conditions.  For  every  one  who 
came  he  had  a  warm  hand-shake  and  a  kindly  word, 
and  he  listened  as  respectfully  to  the  rough  words  of 
the  laborer  as  to  the  polished  sentences  of  the  mil 
lionaire. 

In  his  character  and  antecedents  Mr.  Lincoln 
appealed  strongly  to  the  popular  regard.  He  was  a 
man  of  the  people,  simple,  plain  and  modest.  His 
words  and  his  actions  convinced  the  masses  that  he 
was  one  of  their  own  number,  who,  by  his  great 
ability,  and  incorruptible  honesty  had  been  raised  to 
an  exalted  station.  They  thoroughly  believed  in  him, 
and  were  confident  that  he  was  in  every  way  qualified 
to  manage  the  affairs  of  state  in  the  dark  times  which 
were  then  seen  casting  their  shadows  over  the  land. 
Hence  from  the  very  first  the  tide  of  popular  feeling 
in  the  North  set  strongly  in  his  favor.  Yet  many,/ 
jvho  should  have  been  found  naturally  among  lii'sl 
supporters,  became  his  active  opponents.  Especially 
was  this  true  of  church  people,  who  believed  him  to 
*~T5e  irreligious  if  not  actually  an  atheist,  and  they 
hesitated  to  elevate  to  the  Presidency  a  man  of  such 
principles  as  they  believed  him  to  hold.  The  mis 
apprehension  was  a  lamentable  one,  and  caused  Mr. 
Lincoln  much  sorrow. 

As  an  illustration  of  this  Mr.  Holland  quotes  a  con- 


1 62  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

versation  '  which  Mr.  Lincoln  held  with  Dr.  Newton 
Bateman,  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  whose 
office  in  the  State  House  adjoined  the  Governor's 
room,  which  was  used  by  the  President-elect  as  a 
reception  room. 

A  canvass  had  been  made  of  the  voters  of  Spring 
field    to  ascertain  their   political    standing   and  the 
results  had  been  tabulated  and  given  to  Mr.  Lincoln. 
In  company  with  Mr.  Bateman  he  carefully  examined 
S  the  list  and  then,  with  a  face  full  of  sadness,  said  : 

"  Here  are  twenty-three  ministers  of  different 
denominations  and  all  of  them  are  against  me  except 
three  :  and  here  are  a  great  many  prominent  mem 
bers  of  the  churches,  a  very  large  majority  of  whom 
are  against  me.  Mr.  Bateman,  I  am  not  a  Christian — 
God  knows  I  would  be  one — but  I  have  carefully  reacL 
the  Bible  and  I  do  not  so  understand  this  book,"  and 


"  he  drew  from  his  bosom  a  pocket  New  Testament. 
*'  These  men  well  know  that  I  am  for  freedom  in  the 
Territories,  freedom  everywhere,  as  the  laws  and  Con 
stitution  permit,  and   that   my    opponents    are    for 
^slavery.     They  know  this  and  yet,  _with  this  book  in 
their  hands,   in   the  light  of  which  human  bondage 
(  _cpuld   not    ijve   a   moment,  they  are  going   to   vote 
^against  me.     I  do  not  understand  it  at  all."     Here 
Mr.  Lincoln  paused,  and  then  he  arose  and  walked  up 
and  down  the  room  in  the  effort  to  retain  or  regain 
his  self-possession.     Stopping  at  last  he  said  with  a 
trembling  voice   and  his   cheeks  wet  with  tears  :  "  I 

1  The  authenticity  of  this  conversation  has  been  discredited  by 
many  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  biographers,  but  Mr.  Arnold  has  taken 
pains  to  verify  the  statements  and  is  convinced  that  they  are  sub 
stantially  correct. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  163 

know  that  there  is  a  God  and  that  He  hates  injustice 
and  slavery.     I  see  the  storm  coming  and  know  His 
hand  is  in  it.     If  He  has  a  place  and  work  for  me — 
and  I  think  He  has — I  believe  I  am  ready.     I  am  noth 
ing,    but   truth   is   everything.     I    know   I  am  right 
/  because  I  know  that  liberty  is  right,  for  Christ  teaches 
I  it  and  Christ  is  God.     I  have  told  them  that  a  house 
\divided  against  itself  cannot  stand  ;  and  they  will  find 
it  so.     Douglas  doesn't  care  whether  slavery  is  voted 
up  or  voted  down,  but  God  cares  and  humanity  cares 
and  I  care  ;  and  with  God's  help  I  shall  not  fail.     I 
may  not  see  the  end,  but  it  will  come,  and  I  shall  be 
vindicated  ;  and  these   men  will   find  that  they  have 
not  read  their  Bibles  aright." 

After  a  pause,  he  resumed  :  "  Doesn't  it  appear 
strange  that  men  can  ignore  the  moral  aspects  of  this 
contest  i  A  revelation  could  not  make  it  plainer  to 
me  that  slavery  or  the  Government  must  be  destroyed. 
The  future  would  be  something  awful,  as  I  look  at  it, 
but  for  this  rock  upon  which  I  stand,"  alluding  to  the 
New  Testament  which  he  held  in  his  hand,  "  especi 
ally  with  the  knowledge  of  how  the  ministers  are 
going  to  vote.  It  seems  as  if  God  had  borne  with' 
this  thing,  (slavery)  until  the  very  teachers  of  reli 
gion  have  come  to  defend  it  from  the  Bible  and  to 
claim  for  it  a  divine  character  and  sanction  ;  and  now 
the  cup  of  iniquity  is  full  and  the  vials  of  wrath  will  j 
be  poured  out." 

He  had  never  so  fully  shown  out  his  inner  nature 
to  any  one.  Few  people  believed  that  he  was  possessed 
of  religious  convictions,  yet  his  whole  life  showed  that 
he  was  dominated  by  high  religious  principle,  that  if 
he  did  not  talk  and  preach  Christianity,  he  lived  it. 


164  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

As  his  life  now  appears  on  the  pages  of  history  it 
seems  almost  incredible  that  he  should  have  been  so 
misjudged  by  his  contemporaries,  and  yet  it  was  no 
doubt  largely  his  own  fault  as  he  was  intensely  secre 
tive  and  seldom  spoke  upon  the  subject  of  religion. 
Mr.  Herndon  says  of  him  :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  had  the 
very  genius  of  silence  and  high  cunning  and  is  not 
understood  at  all  by  the  world."  Nor  was  his  true 
position  on  the  slavery  question  generally  under 
stood.  Though  so  often  misapprehended  his  princi 
ples  were  very  simple  and  he  had  so  often  expressed 
them,  both  publicly  and  privately,  that  it  seemed 
strange  that  he  should  be  so  persistently  misrepre 
sented.  He  reverenced  the  Constitution  and  would 
have  its  mandates  obeyed  in  every  function  of  gov 
ernment  and  citizenship.  He  hated  slavery  with  an 
intensity  that  gathered  strength  as  he  saw  more  of  its 
cruelty  and  injustice  and  as  the  arrogance  and  pre 
tensions  of  the  slaveholders  increased.  Yet  slavery 
had  been  recognized  as  an  institution  in  one  section 
of  the  country  longer  than  the  Constitution  had 
existed,  and  he  did  not  believe  there  was  any  Con 
stitutional  warrant  for  interference  with  it  while  con 
fined  to  the  States  in  which  it  originated.  He  would, 
however,  prevent,  by  all  available  means,  its  further 
extension  into  free  territory.  Let  it  remain,  if  remain 
it  must,  but  it  must  not  pass  beyond  its  Constitutional 
limits. 

Douglas's  pet  theory  of  "  Squatter  Sovereignty  "  he 
vigorously  opposed  as  calculated  to  break  down  every 
restriction  and  throw  open  the  whole  country,  event 
ually,  to  the  entrance  of  the  hateful  institution. 

His  moderation  subjected  him  to  violent  criticism 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  165 

and  animadversion  from  both  sides.  The  pro-slavery 
men  classed  him  with  the  Abolitionists  and  coupled 
with  his  name  every  vulgar  and  derisive  epithet  they 
could  devise.  Their  opposition  was  based  upon  pas 
sion,  not  upon  reason,  and  was  abusive  in  the  extreme. 
On  the  other  hand  many  of  the  Abolitionists  ranked 
him,  unjustly,  with  the  pro-slavery  sympathizers  be 
cause  he  never  advised  nor  favored  the  use  of  what  he 
deemed  unconstitutional  measures  to  rid  the  country 
of  the  evil.  His  attitude  in  regard  to  the  fugitive-slave 
law  gave  some  color  to  their  accusations,  and  one  of 
the  more  prominent  Abolitionists  of  the  East  went 
so  far  as  to  speak  of  him  as  the  "  Illinois  slave- 
driver." 

His  position  in  regard  to  this  inhuman  law  was  gen 
erally  misunderstood.  It  is  well  illustrated  by  an 
incident  which  occurred  at  this  time,  related  by  A.  J. 
Grover.  "  Mr.  Lincoln  detested  the  law,  but  argued 
that  until  it  was  declared  unconstitutional,  it  must  be 
obeyed.  This  was  a  short  time  after  the  rescue  of  a 
fugitive  slave  at  Ottawa,  111.,  by  a  number  of  Aboli 
tionists  after  Judge  Caton,  acting  as  United  States 
Commissioner,  had  given  his  decision  remanding  him 
into  the  custody  of  his  alleged  owner;  and  the  res 
cuers  were  either  in  prison  or  out  on  bail."  Says  Mr. 
Grover:  "When  Mr.  Lincoln  had  finished  his  argu 
ment,  I  said,  *  Constitutional  or  not,  I  shall  never 
obey  the  fugitive-slave  law,  I  will  never  catch  and 
return  slaves  in  obedience  to  any  law  or  constitution. 
I  do  not  believe  a  man's  liberty  can  be  taken  from 
him,  constitutionally,  without  a  trial  by  jury.  I 
believe  the  law  to  be  not  only  unconstitutional  but 
most  inhuman  '  *  Oh,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  < it  is  ungodly  ! 


1 66  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

it  is  ungodly  !  no  doubt  it  is  ungodly  !  but  it  is  the 
law  of  the  land  and  we  must  obey  it  as  we  find  it.'  " 

So  great  was  his  veneration  for  the  majesty  of 
law  that  he  would  bow  to  it  even  though  his  whole 
nature  protested  against  it. 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  no  active  part  in  the  Presidential 
canvass  nor  was  he  consulted  to  any  extent  in  regard 
to  its  conduct.  Yet  his  personality  was  potent  in 
winning  votes  wherever  he  was  known.  No  one 
realized  his  greatness  or  believed  that  he  could  in  any 
way  lay  claim  to  genius.  His  warmest  friends  could 
only  recommend  him  as  a  plain  man,  one  of  the 
people,  a  commanding  orator  and  a  good  fellow  gen 
erally;  but  that  he  would  prove  the  most  consummate 
statesman  and  the  profoundest  observer  of  the  great 
political  movements  of  the  day  no  one  for  a  moment 
suspected.  He  had  filled  well  his  previous  station, 
but  had  nowhere  given  evidence  that  he  was  especi 
ally  qualified  for  the  great  position  for  which  he  was 
a  candidate,  either  by  nature  or  by  culture.  Nor  did 
he  himself,  feel  any  degree  of  confidence  in  his  fitness 
for  the  position.  His  ambition  had  naturally  led  him 
to  seek  the  honor,  but  with  it  almost  in  his  grasp  he 
felt  more  and  more  the  weight  of  the  responsibilities 
which  came  with  it  and  began  to  shrink  from  assum 
ing  them  in  doubt  of  his  ability  to  faithfully  discharge 
them.  Hence  he  became  more  and  more  habitually 
melancholy  and  his  face,  when  at  rest,  was  full  of  sad 
ness  and  despondency.  For  him,  henceforth,  the 
glamour,  which  his  ambition  had  thrown  over  the 
Presidential  office,  was  gone  and  he  saw  but  the  bur 
dens  and  embarrassments,  the  jealousies  and  tumults, 
with  which  he  must  contend. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  167 

Many  pleasing  incidents  occurred  in  the  interval 
between  his  nomination  and  election  to  relieve  the 
tedium  of  the  campaign.  1  "One  day  there  entered 
his  room  a  tall  Southerner,  a  Colonel  from  Missis 
sippi,  whose  eyes'  hard  glitter  spoke  supercilious  dis 
trust  and  whose  stiff  bearing  betokened  suppressed 
hostility.  '  It  was  beautiful,'  says  Dr.  Bateman,  *  to 
see  the  cold  flash  of  the  Southerner's  dark  eye  yield 
to  a  warmer  glow  and  the  haughty  constraint  melt 
into  frank  good-nature  under  the  influence  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  words  of  simple  earnestness  and  unaffected 
cordiality.  They  got  so  far  in  half  an  hour  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  could  say,  in  his  hearty  way,  '  Colonel,  how 
tall  are  you?'  '  Well,  taller  than  you,  Mr.  Lincoln,' 
replied  the  Mississippian.  '  You  are  mistaken,  there,' 
retorted  Mr.  Lincoln.  '  Dr.  Bateman  will  you  measure 
us  ? '  So  a  big  book  was  adjusted  above  the  head  of 
each,  and  pencil-marks  made  upon  the  white  wall. 
Mr.  Lincoln's  height,  as  thus  indicated,  was  a  quarter- 
inch  greater  than  the  Colonel's.  '  I  knew  it,'  said  Mr. 
Lincoln.  '  They  raise  tall  men  down  in  Mississippi, 
but  you  go  home  and  tell  your  folks  that  *  Old  Abe 
tops  you  a  little.'  The  Colonel  went  away  much  f 
mollified  and  impressed.  '  My  God,'  said  he  to  Dr. 
Bateman,  as  he  went  out,  '  there  is  going  to  be  a  war  ; 
but  could  my  people  know  what  I  have  learned  in  the 
last  half-hour,  there  would  be  no  need  of  war.' " 

A  New  York  gentleman  thus  describes  a  meeting 
with  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Springfield,  soon  after  the 
nomination  :  "  I  was  in  Chicago  when  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  nominated,  and,  being  curious  to  see  the  man 


1  Browne's  "  Life  of  Lincoln.' 


l68  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

every  one  was  going  wild  over,  I  went  to  Springfield 
I  called  at  his  office,  but  he  was  not  in.  Then  I  went 
to  his  residence  and  learned  that  he  had  a  room  in 
the  Capitol  Building  and  that  I  would  find  him  there. 
Arrived  at  the  room,  I  rapped  at  the  door.  It  was 
opened  by  a  tall,  spare  man,  plain  of  face.  I  told  him 
I  had  come  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln.  Inquiring  my  name, 
he  took  me  by  the  arm  and  introduced  me  to  some 
half  dozen  persons  who  were  in  the  room,  and  then 
remarked,  '  My  name  is  Lincoln.'  In  ten  minutes  I 
felt  as  if  I  had  known  him  all  my  life.  He  had  the 
most  wonderful  faculty  I  have  ever  seen  in  a  man  to 
make  one  feel  at  ease.  I  left  him,  feeling  that  he 
was  an  extraordinary  man  and  that  I  should  vote  for 
him  and  influence  all  I  could  to  do  the  same." 

At  one  time  when  Hon.  George  S.  Boutwell,  of 
Massachusetts,  was  present,  together  with  a  number 
of  other  men  of  distinction,  an  old  lady  from  the 
country  entered,  dressed  in  awkward,  old-fashioned 
garments,  with  a  tanned  and  wrinkled  face  looking 
out  from  the  depths  of  a  large  sunbonnet.  She  had 
come  to  present  "Mr.  Linkin  "  with  a  pair  of  home 
made  stockings  at  least  a  yard  long.  He  received 
them  with  kindly  thanks  and,  holding  one  in  each 
hand  for  inspection,  he  gravely  assured  her  that  he 
would  take  them  to  Washington  with  him,  and  that 
he  was  sure  he  should  be  unable  to  find  any  like 
them  there.  After  she  had  gone,  Mr.  Boutwell 
remarked  that  the  lady  had  evidently  made  a  very 
correct  estimate  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  latitude  and  longi 
tude. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE  campaign  of  1860,  with  all  its  evil  passions 
and  boisterous  enthusiasm,  finally  ended  with  the  elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  by  a  large  majority  of  electoral 
votes,  but  with  a  minority  of  nearly  a  million  in  the 
popular  vote.  It  was  with  an  ominous  presage  that 
the  result  was  announced.  Not  an  electoral  vote 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  was  given  to  him. 
He  was  to  become  the  first  sectional  President.  The 
South  understood  neither  Lincoln's  character,  nor 
his  policy.  Then,  as  to  a  great  extent  since,  he  wras 
totally  misapprehended,  his  character  maligned  and 
his  motives  impugned.  Yet,  the  bitter  hostility  to 
the  man  was  but  a  cloak  for  the  enduring  enmity  felt 
towards  the  principles  he  was  supposed  to  represent. 

The  campaign  had  been  pre-eminently  a  conflict 
between  opposing  principles  rather  than  persons. 
Douglas,  in  one  of  his  speeches,  remarked  substanti 
ally,  that  the  great  principle  involved  in  the  contest 
was  that  of  "interference"  or  "non-interference." 
The  Republicans  who  opposed,  and  the  Buchanan 
Democrats  who  favored  the  extension  of  slavery, 
were,  to  all  intents,  committed  to  the  same  policy, 
while  the  American  party,  headed  by  Mr.  Bell  and 
the  Douglas  wing  of  the  Democracy,  could  easily 
coalesce,  being  pledged  to  the  principle  of  non 
interference,  a  policy  which  would  leave  to  each 

(.69) 


i;O  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

vState  the  decision  of  the  question,  whether  it  should 
be  free  or  slave. 

Many  times  before  had  slavery  and  anti-slavery 
met  at  the  polls  in  violent,  though  nominally,  peace 
ful  strife.  But  the  crisis  had  now  come,  when  the 
decision  of  the  ballot  was  no  longer  deemed  author 
itative.  For  the  sake  of  slavery  the  South  was  ready 
to  cast  away  all  the  memories  of  the  past,  fraught 
with  the  glory  achieved  by  the  heroes  of  an  united 
country  ;  to  renounce  the  presage  of  future  greatness 
and  prosperity,  which  harmony  alone  could  bring  ; 
to  haul  down  the  "  Stars  and  Stripes  "  which  had 
waved  over  many  a  battle-field  where  their  fathers 
had  stood,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  with  the  now  hated 
heroes  of  the  North  in  defense  of  a  common  country 

4  against  a  common  tyranny.  For  slavery  they  would 
destroy  the  Government,  disrupt  the  country  and 
enter  into  a  war  which  should  devastate  the  land, 
destroy  their  homes  and  stain  the  soil  with  the  blood 
of  their  beloved  sons. 

The  question  of  secession  was  not  a  new  one,  nor 
was  the  issue  hastily  raised.  It  had  its  root  in  the 
opposition  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  That 
instrument,  efficient  and  able  as  it  has  since  proven 
itself  to  be,  was  then  viewed  with  disfavor  and  dis- 

/  trust  by  a  majority  of  the  people  in  New  York,  Mas 
sachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island  and  South 
Carolina.  Yet  the  emergency  of  the  hour  and  the 
ability  of  its  advocates  overrode  the  objections  and 
secured  its  adoption.  There  was  a  constantly  increas 
ing  party  which  believed  that  the  Union  was  but  a 
federation,  a  compact  into  which  the  States  had  vol 
untarily  entered  and  from  which  they  possessed  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  iyi 

power  to  withdraw  at  their  discretion.  The  Union 
party  believed  that  by  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  States  had  merged  their  existence  into  that 
of  the  Nation,  permanently  surrendering  their  rights 
to  the  central  government,  except  such  as  the  Consti 
tution  should  delegate  to  them.  According  to  this 
view  the  events  of  1789  constituted  a  revolution  as 
radical  as  that  of  1776,  though  of  a  different  charac 
ter.  The  one  established  the  independence  of  the 
individual  States,  the  other  took  away  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  States  and  made  them  component  parts 
of  a  nation,  laying  emphasis  upon  their  nationality. 

The  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  was  first  dis 
tinctly  stated  in  1798,  after  the  passage  of  the  "  Alien 
and  Sedition  "  laws  by  Congress.  The  Legislatures 
of  Kentucky  and  Virginia  passed  resolutions,  pre 
pared  by  Jefferson  and  Madison,  respectively,  which 
asserted  that  the  Constitution  was  of  the  nature  of  a 
compact  to  which  the  separate  States  were  parties, 
and  that  each  State  had  the  exclusive  right  to  decide 
for  itself  when  the  compact  had  been  broken  and  the 
mode  and  measure  of  redress.  At  different  times  one 
or  more  of  the  States  had  asserted  the  right  of  seces 
sion,  but  had  either  been  restrained  by  wiser  counsels 
or  by  force.  Calhoun's  doctrine  of  nullification, 
which  was  tried  in  South  Carolina  in  1832  and  failed, 
was  a  legitimate  offspring  of  this  political  theory. 
Another  outbreak  was  imminent  in  1850,  but  was 
subdued  by  compromise  and  popular  vote.  The  sen 
timent  was  not  destroyed,  but  reposed  in  the  faith 
of  its  ultimate  triumph,  and  awaited  an  opportunity 
for  an  outbreak.  The  election  of  Lincoln  brought 
the  opportunity  and  a  nominal  provocation. 


172  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

During  the  memorable  winter  preceding  Lincoln's 
inauguration,  secession  was  the  all-absorbing  topic. 
The  South  energetically  maintained  its  right  to  secede, 
and  proceeded  to  exercise  it ;  while  the  North  was 
loth  to  believe  that  the  secession  movement  was  not 
conceived  in  a  spirit  of  mere  bravado,  and  that  the 
Union  would  be  broken. 

The  subject  was  discussed  in  the  press  and  pulpit, 
and  in  the  national  Legislature.  Thaddeus  Stevens 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  said  : 

"The  secession  and  rebellion  of  the  South  have 
been  inculcated  as  a  doctrine  for  twenty  years  past 
among  slaveholding  communities.  At  one  time  the 
tariff  was  deemed  a  sufficient  cause  ;  then  the  exclu 
sion  of  slavery  from  the  Territories  ;  then  some  viola 
tion  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Now  the  culminating 
cause  is  the  election  of  a  President  who  does  not 
believe  in  the  benefits  of  slavery  or  approve  of  that 
great  missionary  enterprise,  the  slave-trade.  The 
truth  is,  all  these  things  are  mere  pretenses.  The  rest 
less  spirits  of  the  South  desire  to  have  a  slave  empire, 
and  they  use  all  these  things  as  excuses.  Some  of 
them  desire  a  more  brilliant  and  stronger  govern 
ment  than  a  republic.  Their  domestic  institutions 
and  the  social  inequality  of  their  free  people  natu 
rally  prepare  them  for  a  monarchy,  surrounded  by  a 
lordly  nobility,  for  a  throne  founded  upon  the  neck 
of  labor." 

The  extreme  Southern  view  was  partially  presented 
in  a  short  speech  in  the  Senate,  December  4,  by 
Thomas  Clingman  of  North  Carolina,  which  he 
began  as  follows  : 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  173 

"  My  purpose  was  not  so  much  to  make  a  speech, 
as  to  state  what  I  think  is  the  great  difficulty  ;  and 
that  is,  that  a  man  has  been  elected  because  he  has 
been  and  is  hostile  to  the  South.  It  is  this  that 
alarms  our  people  ;  and  I  am  free  to  say,  as  I  have 
said  upon  the  stump  this  summer  repeatedly,  that  if 
an  election  were  not  resisted,  either  now  or  at  a  day 
not  far  distant,  the  Abolitionists  would  succeed  in 
•abolishing  slavery  all  over  the  South.  .  .  .  Therefore, 
I  maintain  that  our  true  policy  is  to  meet  this  issue 
in  limine,  and  I  hope  it  will  be  done.  If  we  can  main 
tain  our  personal  safety  let  us  hold  on  to  the  present 
Government,  if  not,  we  must  take  care  of  ourselves 
at  all  hazards.  .  .  .  The  current  of  resistance  is 
running  rapidly  over  the  South.  It  is  idle  for  men 
to  shut  their  eyes  to  consequences  such  as  these." 

The  views  of  the  ultra-secessionists  were  presented 
much  more  elaborately  in  the  same  place,  January  7, 
by  Robert  Toombs  of  Georgia.  He  formulated  the 
grievances  of  the  South  into  five  demands  :  "  First, 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  have  an 
equal  right  to  emigrate  and  settle  in  the  present  or 
future  acquired  Territories,  with  whatever  property 
they  may  possess  (including  slaves),  and  be  securely 
protected  in  its  peaceable  enjoyment  until  such  a 
Territory  be  admitted  as  a  State  into  the  Union,  with 
or  without  slavery  as  she  may  determine,  on  an  equal 
ity  with  existing  States.  .  .  .  The  second  proposi 
tion  is,  that  property  in  slaves  shall  be  entitled  to  the 
same  protection  from  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  in  all  its  departments,  everywhere,  which  the 
Constitution  confers  upon  it  the  power  to  extend  to 
any  other  property,  provided  that  nothing  herein 


174  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

contained  shall  be  construed  to  limit  or  restrain  the 
right  now  belonging  to  every  State  to  prohibit,  abol 
ish  or  establish  and  protect  slavery  within  its  limits. 
We  demand  of  the  common  Government  to  use  its 
granted  powers  to  protect  our  property  as  well  as 
yours.  .  .  .  We  demand,  in  the  next  place,  that  per 
sons  committing  crimes  against  slave  property  in  one 
State  and  fleeing  to  another,  shall  be  delivered  up  in 
the  same  manner  as  persons  committing  crimes 
against  other  property  and  that  the  laws  of  the  State 
from  which  persons  flee  shall  be  the  test  of  criminal 
ity.  .  .  .  The  next  stipulation  is,  that  fugitive  slaves 
shall  be  surrendered  under  the  provisions  of  the  Fugi 
tive  Slave  Act  of  1850,  without  being  entitled  either  to 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  or  a  trial  by  jury  or  other 
similar  obstructions  of  legislation  in  the  State  to 
which  he  may  flee.  .  .  .  The  next  demand,  made  in 
behalf  of  the  South  is,  that  Congress  shall  pass  effec 
tive  laws  for  the  punishment  of  all  persons  in  any  of 
the  States  who  shall,  in  any  manner,  aid  and  abet  inva 
sion  or  insurrection  in  any  other  State,  or  commit  any 
other  act  against  the  laws  of  nations  tending  to  dis 
turb  the  tranquility  of  the  people  or  government  of 
any  other  State.  ...  In  a  compact  where  there  is  no 
common  arbiter,  where  the  parties  finally  decide  for 
themselves,  the  sword,  at  last  becomes  the  real,  if 
not  the  constitutional  arbiter.  Your  party  says  that 
you  will  not  take  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
What  are  you  going  to  do  ?  You  say  we  shall  submit 
to  your  construction.  We  shall  do  it — if  you  can 
make  us  ;  but  not  otherwise,  or  in  any  other  manner. 
That  is  settled.  You  may  call  that  secession  or  you 
may  call  it  revolution  ;  but  there  is  a  big  fact  stand- 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  175 

ing  before  you  ready  to  oppose  you,  and  that  fact  is 
— freemen  with  arms  in  their  hands.  The  cry  of  the 
Union  will  not  disperse  them  ;  we  have  passed  that 
point ;  they  demand  equal  rights,  you  had  better 
heed  their  demands." 

With  such  specious  words  as  these  did  the  party- 
leaders  seek  to  justify  their  course.  If  it  be  granted 
that  slavery  was  morally  and  legally  right,  their 
arguments  were  conclusive.  Few  of  them  claimed 
that  they  had  any  constitutional  right  to  secede  ; 
for  such  a  claim  there  were  no  plausible  grounds. 
They,  therefore,  justified  secession  as  a  revolutionary 
measure  and  used,  practically,  the  same  arguments  as 
the  patriots  of  1775  in  severing  their  connection  from 
England — the  oppressive  character  of  the  Govern 
ment  and  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  their 
rights  under  the  Constitution. 

The  speeches  in  Congress  were  but  the  echoes  of 
aggressive  deeds  throughout  the  South.  One  of  the 
orators  boldly  said  :l  "  And  while  this  Congress  is  de 
bating  the  constitutionality  and  expediency  of  seced 
ing  from  the  Union,  and  while  the  perfidious  authors  of 
this  mischief  are  showering  down  denunciations  upon 
a  large  portion  of  the  patriotic  men  of  this  country, 
those  brave  men  are  coolly  and  calmly  voting  what 
you  call  revolution. — Ay,  sir,  better  than  that,  arming 
to  defend  it.  They  appealed  to  the  Constitution 
they  appealed  to  justice,  they  appealed  to  fraternity, 
until  the  Constitution,  justice,  fraternity,  were  no 
longer  listened  to  in  the  legislative  halls  of  their 
country,  and  then,  sir,  they  prepared  for  the  arbitra- 


Robert  Tooinbs. 


176  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

ment  of  the  sword  ;  and  now  you  see  the  glittering 
bayonet,  and  you  hear  the  tramp  of  armed  men  from 
your  Capital  to  the  Rio  Grande." 

The  great  conspiracy  was  almost  perfected  in  the 
South  before  the  North  did  more  than  suspect  its 
existence.  No  sooner  was  Lincoln's  election  assured 
than  active  preparations  for  secession  were  begun. 
When  the  result  of  the  election  was  announced5  a 
Convention  was  called  in  South  Carolina,  a  State 
which  had  always  been  the  leader  in  revolutionary 
movements,  to  consider  the  question  of  secession. 
After  a  heated  discussion,  an  ordinance  of  secession 
was  adopted,  November  17.  Mississippi,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Florida  and  Louisiana  followed  her  exam 
ple  in  January,  and  Texas  in  February.  Not  only 
were  the  people  of  the  North  powerless  to  prevent 
the  catastrophe  but  the  National  Government  was 
practically  in  the  hands  of  the  Confederacy.  The 
President  weakly  deplored  the  state  of  affairs,  but 
announced  his  inability  to  cope  with  it.  In  a  mes 
sage  to  Congress  he  announced  it  as  his  belief,  that 
no  State  had  the  constitutional  right  to  secede,  but  once 
seceded  that  the  Government  had  no  right  nor  power 
to  bring  them  back  by  force.  Congress  was  power 
less  to  effect  anything  and  the  suffering  country 
could  only  wait  and  pray  for  the  advent  of  a  stronger 
administration.  And  as  comparatively  few  had  any 
faith  in  the  ability  of  Lincoln  to  successfully  cope 
with  such  a  momentous  state  of  affairs,  the  outlook 
was  gloomy  indeed,  perhaps  more  so  than  at  any 
time  during  the  succeeding  war. 

President  Buchanan's  Cabinet  was  a  very  hot-bed 
of  treason.  Traitors,  high  in  the  Councils  of  State, 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  177 

neglected  no  opportunity  to  serve  the  South  and  to 
cripple  the  Government.  Men  who  had  taken  a  sol 
emn  oath  to  uphold  the  Constitution,  deliberately 
broke  its  most  binding  provisions.  Howell  Cobb, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  emptied  its  vaults  and 
impaired  the  public  credit  and  then  resigned  because 
"  his  duty  to  Georgia  demanded  it."  Isaac  Toucey, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  placed  as  many  of  the  ships  of 
war  as  possible  in  the  hands  of  traitors  and  sent  the 
rest  on  cruises  to  remote  ports  in  other  parts  of  the 
world.  John  B.  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War,  transferred 
nearly  all  the  effective  munitions  of  war,  from  North 
ern  to  Southern  arsenals,  where  they  could  be  easily 
seized  by  the  rebels,  and  scattered  the  regular  army 
along  the  frontier,  whence  it  could  with  difficulty  be 
recalled.  And  all  of  this  was  done  openly  with 
scarce  a  pretense  of  concealment.  Nor  were  these 
men  at  all  loth  to  proclaim  their  disunion  senti 
ments,  even  while  occupying  positions  of  trust  under, 
and  drawing  their  salaries  from  the  Government 
they  were  seeking  to  destroy.  Anxious  patriots, 
powerless  to  prevent,  watched  the  bespoiling  of  the 
country  and  the  gathering  of  armed  forces,  the 
clouds  of  rebellion  darkening  upon  the  Southern 
horizon,  with  feelings  akin  to  despair. 

The  seceding  States  appointed  delegates  to  meet  at 
Montgomery,  Ala.,  on  February  4,  to  form  a  provis 
ional  Government.  They  organized  a  Federal  Govern 
ment,  with  a  Constitution  similar  to  the  old  one, 
excepting  that  it  recognized  slavery  and  the  para 
mount  rights  of  the  States.  Jefferson  Davis  was 
appointed  President  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
Vice-President. 


178  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

February  15,  Congress,  in  joint  session,  counted  the 
electoral  votes  and  declared  Messrs.  Lincoln  and 
Hamlin,  President  and  Vice-President-elect.  The 
event  had  been  looked  forward  to  by  the  loyal  North 
with  fear  and  foreboding.  The  turbulent  element  was 
apparently  in  the  supremacy  in  the  National  Capital, 
and  there  seemed  to  be  reason  to  fear  that  the  count 
ing  of  the  electoral  votes  would  be  interfered  with, 
if  not  violently  prevented.  But  nothing  occurred  in 
any  way  to  obstruct  the  ceremony,  whether  because 
the  plans  of  the  Southern  leaders  were  so  far 
advanced  that  they  did  not  care  to  interfere  or 
because  they  did  not  believe  that  Lincoln  would 
attempt  to  force  them  back  into  the  Union. 

During  this  time,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  remaining  quietly 
at  home,  watching  closely  the  course  of  events  and 
trying  to  avert  the  catastrophe  in  every  way  possible. 
He  was  in  close  communication  with  the  leaders  of 
the  party  and  many  prominent  men  both  North  and 
South,  striving  to  assure  them  of  his  pacific  inten 
tions.  He  insisted  emphatically  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slave  States, 
but  he  would  not  abate  one  iota  of  his  opposition  to 
its  further  extension,  nor  would  he  permit  his  friends 
to  take  any  measures  looking  toward  a  compromise. 
December  13  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Hon.  E. 
B.  Washburne,  Chairman  of  the  House  Congressional 
Committee:  "Your  long  letter  received.  Prevent,  as 
far  as  possible,  any  of  our  friends  from  demoralizing 
themselves  and  our  cause  by  entertaining  propositions 
for  compromise  of  any  sort  upon  slavery  extension. 
There  is  no  possible  compromise  upon  it,  but  which 
puts  us  under  and  all  our  work  to  do  over  again. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  179 

Whether  it  be  a  Missouri  line  or  Eli  Thayer's  popular 
sovereignty,  it  is  all  the  same.  Let  either  be  done, 
and  immediately  filibustering  and  slavery  extension 
recommences.  On  that  point  hold  firm  as  a  chain  of 
steel." 

In  an  interview  published  in  the  New  York  Tribune, 
January  30,  1861,  he  reiterates  the  same  sentiments 
with  increased  emphasis  : 

"I  will  suffer  death  before  I  will  consent,  or  advise 
my  friends  to  consent,  to  any  concession  or  compro 
mise  which  looks  like  buying  the  privilege  of  taking 
possession  of  the  Government,  to  which  we  have  a 
constitutional  right ;  because,  whatever  I  might 
think  of  the  merit  of  the  various  propositions  before 
Congress,  I  should  regard  any  concession  in  the  face 
of  menace  as  the  destruction  of  the  Government 
itself,  and  a  consent  on  all  hands  that  our  system 
shall  be  brought  down  to  a  level  with  the  existing  dis 
organized  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico.  But  this  thing 
will  hereafter  be,  as  it  is  now,  in  the  hands  of  the 
people,  and  if  they  desire  to  call  a  convention  to 
remove  any  grievances  complained  of,  or  to  give  new 
guarantees  for  the  permanence  of  vested  rights,  it  is 
not  mine  to  oppose." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  firmness,  at  this  time,  prevented  all 
attempts  at  compromise  which  could  only  have  been 
consummated  by  such  a  surrender  of  constitutional 
rights  as  would  have  been  disastrous  to  the  unity  and 
prosperity  of  the  country.  Secession  and  war  were 
evils  to  be  avoided  if  possible,  but  not  by  compromise 
or  concession  which  could  at  best  but  defer  the  appeal 
to  arms  for  a  short  time.  The  points  in  dispute  were 
too  vital  to  be  settled  by  anything  short  of  war,  and 


l8o  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  sooner  the  issue  was  faced  the  better  it  was  for  the 
country. 

Mr.  Lincoln  appreciated  the  situation  much  better 
than  many  of  the  party-leaders,  and  his  dignified  firm 
ness  in  refusing  all  compromise  that  contemplated  a 
sacrifice  of  principle,  has  been  proven  by  subsequent 
events  to  have  been  the  wisest  policy. 

February  n  he  left  Springfield  with  his  family  and 
a  few  friends  to  go  to  Washington  and  enter  upon  the 
arduous  duties  of  his  office.  It  was  a  solemn  moment 
and  one  fraught  with  the  deepest  anxiety  and  appre 
hension.  Elected  to  the  highest  and  most  honorable 
office  within  the  gift  of  the  people  of  the  great  Repub 
lic,  he  should  have  started  upon  his  journey  joyfully, 
with  bright  anticipations  of  a  brilliant  and  glorious 
career.  Not  as  a  tvied  General,  confident  of  success, 
did  he  go  to  his  task,  but  rather  as  one  called  upon  to 
go  out  and  do  fierce  battle  with  mighty  foes,  without 
preparation,  and  feeling  his  own  incompetency. 
Hence  it  was  not  with  the  pride  of  assured  success, 
that  he  bade  adieu  to  the  friends  who  gathered  at  the 
railway-station  for  one  last  shake  of  the  hand  and  a 
parting  look  at  a  face  which  they  should  see  no  more 
until,  with  a  martyr's  crown,  it  should  return  to  find 
a  resting-place  forever  in  the  spot  he  so  dearly  loved. 
A  feeling  of  sadness  pervaded  the  group  and  none 
felt  more  sorrow  than  the  one  to  whom  the  attention 
of  all  was  directed.  As  he  stepped  upon  the  plat 
form  of  the  car  he  turned  around  and  uttered  the  fol 
lowing  beautiful  and  touching  words  : 

"  My  Friends  :  No  one,  not  in  my  position,  can 
realize  the  sadness  I  feel  at  this  parting.  To  this 
people  I  owe  all  that  I  am.  Here  I  have  lived  more 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  l8l 

than  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Here  my  children  were 
born  and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not 
how  soon  I  shall  see  you  again.  I  go  to  assume  a 
task  more  difficult  than  any  which  has  devolved  upon 
any  other  man  since  the  days  of  Washington.  He 
never  would  have  succeeded  except  for  the  aid  of 
Divine  Providence,  upon  which  he  at  all  times  relied. 
I  feel  that  I  cannot  succeed  without  the  same  Divine 
blessing  which  sustained  him  ;  and  on  the  same 
Almighty  Being  I  place  my  reliance  for  support.  And  I 
hope  you,  my  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  receive 
that  divine  assistance,  without  which  I  cannot  suc 
ceed,  but  with  which  success  is  certain.  Again,  I  bid 
you  an  affectionate  farewell." 

With  many  a  hearty  "God  bless  you  and  keep 
you,"  the  train  pulled  out  of  the  depot.  The  plan  of 
the  journey  contemplated  a  trip  through  the  States 
of  Indiana,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  New  Jer 
sey  and  Maryland.  When  the  distinguished  party 
reached  Indianapolis,  the  Legislature  was  in  session. 
Mr.  Lincoln  visited  the  State  House,  and  was  warmly 
greeted.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  when  the  opportunity 
offered,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  short  speech,  the  burden 
of  which  was  intended  to  allay  the  excitement  and 
distrust  in  the  South,  and  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
the  people.  He  could  not  yet  believe  that  the  peo 
ple  of  the  South  were  determined  in  their  attempts 
to  break  up  the  Union,  and  he  desired  that  they 
might  become  convinced  of  his  good-will  and  his 
intention  not  to  interfere  with  their  peculiar  institu 
tions  any  further  than  his  construction  of  the  Con 
stitution  demanded.  Everywhere  his  speeches  were 
pacific  and  moderate,  and  appealed  to  the  highest 


l82  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

patriotism  of  the  people.  Yet  his  temperate  words 
at  no  time  led  the  people  to  suspect  that  he  lacked 
in  firmness.  "  I  shall  do  all  that  may  be  in  my  power," 
said  he,  "  to  promote  a  peaceful  settlement  of  our 
difficulties.  The  man  does  not  live  who  is  more  de 
voted  to  peace  than  I  am  — none  who  would  do  more 
to  preserve  it.  But  it  may  be  necessary  to  put  the 
foot  down  firmly." 

He  visited  the  cities  of  Cincinnati,  Columbus  and 
Cleveland  and  was  everywhere  received  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm.  At  Cincinnati  he  approached 
the  borders  of  a  slave  State,  and  his  speech  here  was, 
as  on  a  previous  occasion,  directed  largely  to  the 
Kentuckians,  who  might  almost  hear  the  echoes  of 
his  voice  from  the  opposite  shore.  The  burden  of 
his  utterances  was  everywhere  the  same.  At  Buffalo, 
Albany,  New  York,  Trenton,  Philadelphia  and  Har- 
risburg  he  attempted  to  allay  fear  and  encourage  con 
fidence.  Never  had  he  before  been  brought  into 
contact  with  so  many  people  in  so  short  a  time.  His 
journey  was  a  veritable  triumphal  march.  At  every 
station  and  crossroad  crowds  waited  patiently  to  see 
the  Presidential  train  pass  by,  and  the  larger  cities, 
where  stops  were  to  be  made,  were  thronged  with 
eager  crowds,  some  of  whom  had  come  to  criticise  and 
others  to  counsel,  some  out  of  mere  curiosity  and 
others  out  of  a  warm,  hearty  good-will  towards  him 
who  was  to  assume  a  greater  responsibility  and  bear 
a  heavier  burden  than  any  President  since  Washing 
ton.  The  general  impression  made  upon  the  people 
was  pleasing,  and  many  who  came  to  ridicule  his 
ungainliness,  went  away  to  praise  his  manliness. 
The  Ohio  State  Journal  spoke  in  highest  terms  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  183 

the  impression  made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  upon  the 
people. 

"  His  great  height  was  conspicuous  even  in  that 
crowd  of  goodly  men.  At  first  the  kindness  and  amia 
bility  of  his  face  strikes  you;  but,  as  he  speaks,  the 
greatness  and  determination  of  his  nature  are  appar 
ent.  Something  in  his  manner,  even  more  than  in  his 
words,  told  how  deeply  he  was  affected  by  the  enthu 
siasm  of  the  people,  and  when  he  appealed  to  them 
for  encouragement  and  support,  every  heart  re 
sponded  with  a  mute  assurance  of  both.  There  was 
the  simplicity  of  greatness  in  his  unassuming  and 
confiding  manner  that  won  its  way  to  instant  admi 
ration." 

When  he  reached  Albany,  the  Legislature  of  the 
Empire  State  was  in  session,  and  he  was  invited  to 
address  it.  The  scene  was  an  impressive  one.  Not 
only  was  the  audience  a  notable  one,  but  the  memo 
ries  associated  with  the  place  were  impressive.  That 
so  distinguished  an  audience,  in  so  noted  a  place,  had 
assembled  to  greet  him,  touched  him  deeply.  In 
commencing  his  speech,  he  said: 

"  It  is  with  feelings  of  great  diffidence  and,  I  may 
say,  feelings  of  awe,  perhaps  greater  than  I  have  re 
cently  experienced,  that  I  meet  you  here  in  this  place. 
The  history  of  this  great  State,  the  renown  of  its 
great  men  who  have  stood  in  this  chamber,  and  have 
spoken  their  thoughts,  all  crowd  around  my  fancy 
and  incline  me  to  shrink  from  an  attempt  to  address 
you.  Yet  I  have  some  confidence  given  me  by  the 
generous  manner  in  which  you  invited  me,  and  the 
still  more  generous  manner  in  which  you  have  re 
ceived  me.  You  have  invited  me  and  received  me 


184  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

without  distinction  of  party.  I  could  not  for  a  mo 
ment  suppose  that  this  has  been  done  in  any  consid 
erable  degree  with  any  reference  to  my  personal  self. 
It  is  very  much  more  grateful  to  me  that  this  recep 
tion  and  the  invitation  preceding  it  were  given  to  me, 
as  the  representative  of  a  free  people,  than  it  could 
possibly  have  been  were  it  but  the  evidence  of  devo 
tion  to  me  or  to  any  one  man.  It  is  true  that,  while 
I  hold  myself,  without  mock  modesty,  the  humblest 
of  all  the  individuals  who  have  ever  been  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  I  yet  have  a  more  dif 
ficult  task  to  perform  than  any  of  them  has  ever 
encountered." 

At  Trenton,  the  historic  capital  of  New  Jersey,  he 
was  also  tendered  a  reception  by  the  Legislature. 
The  memories  of  the  dangerous  passage  of  the  Dela 
ware  and  the  great  victory  which  followed  were  inti 
mately  associated  in  his  mind  with  his  childhood's 
days,  when  he  eagerly  read  and  re-read  Weem's  at 
tractive  but  unreliable  "  Life  of  Washington,"  by  the 
light  of  a  pine  knot,  long  after  the  rest  of  the  family 
had  retired  for  the  night.  He  alluded  modestly,  but 
impressively,  to  the  toils  and  privations  of  those  early 
days,  proving  once  more  that  he  was  not  ashamed  of 
his  lowly  origin,  but  that  he  rather  gloried  in  the  fact 
that  he  was  one  of  the  masses  and  thus  in  deepest 
sympathy  with  them. 

At  Philadelphia  he  unfurled  a  splendid  flag  in  the 
presence  of  a  great  concourse,  and  made  an  elaborate 
address,  in  which  he  spoke  of  his  political  life  and 
feelings  more  freely  than  at  any  other  time  on  the 
journey,  and  when,  for  a  moment,  he  admitted  his 
apprehensions  of  the  future  in  almost  prophetic 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  185 

words.  The  whole  speech,  which  was  delivered  in 
Independence  Hall,  is  too  long  to  be  quoted,  but  a 
single  passage  will  well  illustrate  its  character. 

"  You  have  kindly  suggested  to  me  that  in  my 
hands  is  the  task  of  restoring  peace  to  the  present 
distracted  condition  of  our  country.  I  can  say  in 
return,  sir,  that  all  the  political  sentiments  I  entertain 
have  been  drawn,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  draw 
them,  from  the  sentiments  which  originated  in,  and 
were  given  to  the  world  from  this  hall.  I  have  never 
had  a  feeling,  politically,  that  did  not  spring  from  the 
sentiments  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  I  have  often  pondered  over  the  dangers  which 
were  incurred  by  the  men  who  assembled  here  and 
framed  and  adopted  that  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence.  I  have  pondered  over  the  toils  that  were  en 
dured  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  army  that 
achieved  that  Independence.  I  have  often  inquired 
of  myself  what  great  principle  or  idea  it  was  that 
kept  this  Confederacy  so  long  together.  It  was  not 
the  mere  matter  of  the  separation  of  the  Colonies 
from  the  mother  country,  but  that  sentiment  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  which  gave  liberty,  not 
alone  to  the  people  of  this  country  but,  I  hope,  to  the 
world  for  all  future  time.  It  was  that  which  gave 
promise  that,  in  due  time,  the  weight  would  be  lifted 
from  the  shoulders  of  all  men.  This  is  a  sentiment 
embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Now, 
my  friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  on  this  basis  ? 
If  it  can,  I  shall  consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest 
men  in  the  world  if  I  can  help  save  it.  If  it  cannot 
be  saved  on  that  principle,  it  would  be  truly  awful. 
But  if  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving 


l86  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

up  that  principle,  I  was  about  to  say,  /  would  rather 
be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  surrender  it" 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  he  had  declared  his 
veneration  for  and  allegiance  to  the  principles  of  the 
immortal  Declaration.  Again  and  again  had  he 
reiterated  it  in  the  Douglas  debates  and  other  politi 
cal  speeches.  In  it  he  found  his  political  creed  and 
upon  the  permanence  of  its  principles  he  based  all  his 
hope  for  the  future  welfare  of  the  country. 

On  the  next  day  he  visited  Harrisburg  and 
addressed  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  there  assem 
bled,  and  here  his  public  journey  ended.  There  had 
been  many  vague  rumors  afloat  in  regard  to  conspira 
cies  formed  by  Southern  sympathizers  to  prevent  his 
inauguration.  Baltimore  was  intensely  disloyal  and 
numerous  threats  had  been  made  that  the  President 
elect  should  never  pass  through  the  city  alive.  Much 
alarm  was  felt  by  his  friends  and  everything  possible 
had  been  done  to  unearth  the  conspiracy,  if  one 
existed.  Detectives  had  been  engaged  and  evidence 
of  the  existence  of  such  a  plot  was  apparently 
secured.  Mr.  Lamon,  who  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln, 
criticises  the  evidence  and  casts  grave  doubts  upon 
its  reliability.  But  that  there  was  good  reason  to 
apprehend  danger,  even  if  none  existed,  was  excuse 
enough  for  more  than  ordinary  caution.  His  friends 
had  advised  Mr.  Lincoln  to  cancel  his  engagements 
in  Philadelphia  and  Harrisburg  and  hastily  and 
secretly  make  the  journey  to  Washington.  This  he 
refused  to  do,  but,  after  his  address  at  Harrisburg,  he 
secretly  boarded  a  special  car,  and  without  the 
knowledge  of  any  one,  save  two  or  three  of  his  most 
intimate  friends,  he  went  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  187 

boarded  the  night  train,  passed  through  Baltimore  in 
safety  and  reached  the  Capital  in  the  morning,  before 
it  was  generally  known  that  he  had  left  Harrisburg. 

This  hurried  journey  to  Washington  was  sharply 
criticised  and  mercilessly  ridiculed  and  caricatured  in 
the  papers  of  the  day.  Some  went  so  far  as  to 
impute  its  motive  to  cowardice.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  there  are  at  least  grave  doubts  that  any  such 
conspiracy  existed  or  that  there  was  any  danger  to  be 
apprehended  from  the  passage  through  Baltimore. 
The  suspicions,  however,  were  strong  enough  and  the 
condition  of  the  country  sufficiently  critical  to  justify 
the  most  extraordinary  precautions  to  protect  the 
person  of  the  President-elect  from  all  possible 
danger. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

LINCOLN  had  practically  constructed  his  Cabinet 
before  he  left  Springfield.  It  was  a  task  of  unusual 
difficulty,  yet  he  executed  it  with  judgment  and  mod 
eration.  The  Republican  party  had  been  formed  in 
large  part,  by  recruits  from  the  Whig  and  Democratic 
parties,  the  latter  being  in  the  majority.  Something 
of  the  old-time  antagonism  existed  between  the 
quondam  political  foes  and  the  great  difficulty  pre 
sented  itself,  in  the  formation  of  the  Cabinet,  of  recog 
nizing  both  wings  in  such  a  manner  that  satisfaction 
would  be  given  to  both  and  cause  for  jealousy  to 
neither. 

Here,  at  the  very  outset,  Lincoln  gave  intimations 
of  the  fixed  principle  that  was  to  guide  him  in  his 
political  appointments  during  his  administration. 
He  would  recognize  true  patriotism  as  a  standard  for 
political  preferment  and  not  party  affiliations.  Other 
things  being  equal  he  made  but  little  distinction 
between  Democrats  and  Republicans,  provided  that 
the  loyalty  of  the  candidate  was  unquestioned.  Never 
since  Washington  had  a  President  placed  so  high  a 
premium  upon  patriotism,  and  paid  so  little  attention 
to  politics.  It  made  him  many  political  enemies  but 
brought  him  multitudes  of  friends  from  the  masses  of 
the  people  who  recognized  his  earnest  desire  to 
administer  the  affairs  of  the  Government  for  the  gen- 

(188) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  189 

eral  good.  And  later  on,  when  the  gathering  storm 
of  war  burst  upon  the  land  and  the  adherents  of  the 
South  strove  to  show  that  it  was  a  war  inspired  and 
brought  on  by  the  "  black  Republicans,"  instead  of 
choosing  his  officers  exclusively  from  the  party  which 
had  elected  him,  he  gave  full  proof  of  the  fact  that  he 
considered  the  question  of  suppessing  the  Rebellion 
to  be  a  purely  national  one,  and  he  made  it  his  policy 
to  gather  to  the  national  standard  all  loyal  men  of 
whatever  party.  The  peril  of  the  nation  annihilates 
party,  and  he  did  not  fail  to  appreciate  the  fact. 
Beyond  a  question  he  will  be  recognized  in  history  as 
the  most  purely  national  and  loyal  Chief  Magistrate 
of  the  century. 

From  the  day  of  his  election  he  had  been  beset  by 
hordes  of  hungry  office-seekers,  who  demanded  that 
he  should  dismiss  all  the  appointees  of  previous  ad 
ministrations  and  divide  the  spoils  among  those  who 
had  helped  to  elect  him.  A  strong  pressure  was  early 
brought  to  bear  upon  him  to  this  end,  but,  although 
he  listened  courteously  to  all  suggestions  and  advice, 
he  remained  firm  in  his  determination  to  make  re 
movals  from  office  only  upon  patriotic  and  not  upon 
partisan  grounds,  and  in  many  cases  he  even  went 
further  than  this  and  showed  his  willingness  to  ap 
point  his  political  enemies  and  rivals  to  the  most  im 
portant  offices  on  grounds  of  qualification  alone. 

This  principle  was  exemplified  in  the  selection  of 
Cabinet  officers.  Many  men  were  recommended  to 
him  by  influential  politicians,  who  believed  they  had  a 
claim  upon  him;  yet  he  was  for  the  most  part  unin 
fluenced  by  their  representations,  and  made  his  selec 
tions  solely  with  a  view  to  the  public  good.  He  de- 


1 90  '  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

sired  to  enroll  some  moderate,  but  influential  South 
ern  men  in  the  Cabinet,  hoping  that  such  action 
might  materially  assist  in  averting  the  war  which 
was  threatened.  To  this  end  he  made  overtures  to 
Hon.  John  A.  Gilmore,  then  a  member  of  Congress 
from  North  Carolina.  In  a  letter  personally  delivered 
by  Thurlow  Weed,  he  explained  briefly  his  views 
upon  the  situation,  and  outlined  the  policy  he  in 
tended  to  pursue.  He  then  offered  Mr.  Gilmore  a 
Cabinet  portfolio  which,  however,  he  reluctantly 
refused  in  view  of  the  probable  secession  of  his 
State. 

Before  his  election  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined  to 
offer  the  two  leading  positions,  the  State  and  Treas 
ury  Departments,  to  his  two  prominent  rivals  for  the 
nomination,  Messrs.  Seward  and  Chase.  And  after 
wards  the  Cabinet  was  completed  by  the  selection  of 
Hon.  Simon  Cameron  as  Secretary  of  War,  Hon. 
Gideon  Welles  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Hon.  E.  H. 
Bates  as  Attorney  General,  Hon.  Caleb  Smith  as  Sec 
retary  of  the  Interior  and  Judge  Montgomery  Blair 
as  Postmaster  General. 

The  Cabinet,  thus  constituted,  was  a  strong  one, 
and  every  member  of  it  was  eminently  qualified  to 
fulfill  the  arduous  duties  of  his  position;  yet  there  was 
not  a  single  appointment  which  failed  to  excite  bitter 
criticism  and,  in  some  cases,  from  within  the  party 
itself. 

Mr.  Seward  was  the  most  prominent  and  widely 
known  of  these  gentlemen.  He  had  been  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  party,  and  was  noted  for  the  earnest 
ness  with  which  he  had  entered  into  the  struggle  with 
the  slave  power.  By  his  eloquent  and  forcible  speeches 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  Ipl 

he  had  done  much  to  bring  together  the  diverse  ele 
ments  of  the  party,  and  to  unite  them  for  a  victori 
ous  campaign.  In  a  speech  at  Rochester  he  had  been 
the  first  to  predict  the  "irrepressible  conflict,"  and, 
even  sooner  than  Lincoln,  he  had  announced  his  be 
lief  that  the  Government  could  not  long  exist  half 
free  and  half  slave.  He  was  a  cultured  gentleman 
and  a  thorough  scholar.  He  believed  in  a  pacific 
policy  and,  as  far  as  the  dignity  of  the  Government 
would  permit,  he  believed  concessions  should  be  made 
to  the  South. 

Salmon  P.  Chase  had  also  been  a  prominent  candi 
date  for  the  Presidential  nomination.  His  ability  was 
unquestioned,  and  his  mind  clear  and  logical.  In 
character  he  was  above  reproach,  and  yet,  while  he 
always  commanded  the  highest  respect,  he  lacked  the 
elements  which  conduce  to  popularity,  and  never 
wielded  much  influence  over  the  masses.  His  posi 
tion  was,  undoubtedly,  the  most  difficult  and  perplex 
ing  in  the  Cabinet.  The  expenses  of  a  great  war 
must  be  met  from  an  empty  Treasury  and  by  a  nation 
which  was  in  the  throes  of  civil  war.  Never  had 
financial  problems  of  greater  magnitude  been  forced 
upon  a  government,  and  never  had  a  man  better  fitted 
to  deal  with  them  been  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury. 
He  had  been  a  radical  Abolitionist  from  the  first  and 
had  never  faltered  in  his  principles,  though  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  determined  opposition. 

Hon.  Simon  Cameron  was  given  the  position  of 
Secretary  of  War,  rather  because  of  arrangements 
made  before  the  Convention  and  his  assistance  during 
the  campaign,  than  on  account  of  his  popularity. 
When  it  was  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  contem- 


IQ2  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

plated  giving  him  a  Cabinet  position,  numerous  pro 
tests  were  received  from  all  over  the  North,  alleging 
that  he  was  an  unscrupulous  and  dishonest  politician 
and  that  his  presence  in  the  Cabinet  would  bring 
discredit  upon  the  Administration.  He  was  de 
scended  from  the  Scotch  clan  of  the  Camerons  and 
had  inherited  many  of  the  characteristics  of  his  High 
land  ancestors.  He  was  said  never  to  forget  a  friend 
or  an  enemy.  Much  opposition  was  also  manifested 
to  the  appointment  of  Judge  Blair.  He  came  from  a 
distinguished  family  which  had  been  possessed  of 
considerable  political  influence.  He  was  a  gentle 
man  of  the  old  school,  hasty,  selfwilled,  but  able. 
The  affairs  of  the  Postal  Service  have  never  been  bet 
ter  administered  than  during  his  incumbency. 

Mr.  Lincoln  spent  the  few  days  intervening  be 
tween  his  arrival  in  Washington  and  his  inaugura 
tion  in  consultation  with  his  political  advisers,  in  re 
ceiving  delegations  which  came  to  pay  their  respects 
to  the  Chief  Magistrate-elect  and  in  listening  to  the 
claims  of  candidates  for  office.  As  the  date  of  the  in 
auguration  approached,  the  popular  interest  and  ap 
prehension  became  more  intense.  Threats  had  been 
freely  made  that  Lincoln  should  never  be  inaugu 
rated.  Washington  lay  within  the  bounds  of  a  slave 
State,  and  contained  a  large  element  which  was  in 
sympathy  with  the  South,  and,  moreover,  the  city  had 
become  a  rendezvous  for  many  desperate  radicals  who 
would  hesitate  at  nothing  to  carry  out  their  incendi 
ary  designs.  General  Scott,  the  veteran  hero  of  the 
Mexican  War,  who  was  the  Commander  of  the  United 
States'  Armies,  was  aware  of  the  danger  and  an 
nounced  his  intention  of  protecting  the  person  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  193 

the  President  from  assault   with  the  whole  army  if 
necessary. 

When  the  day  came  the  whole  North  waited  with 
bated  breath  as  if  almost  expecting  to  hear  the  echoes 
of  insurrection  and  carnage  at  the  national  Capital, 
proclaiming  the  disruption  of  the  Union.  The  great 
crowds  which  usually  attend  these  quadrennial  cere 
monies  were,  in  large  part,  absent.  For  few  dared  to 
face  the  evident  danger  to  gratify  curiosity.  On  the 
eastern  front  of  the  Capitol  was  erected  a  platform 
upon  which  were  grouped  the  Members  of  Congress, 
the  Supreme  Court  Judges,  the  high  officers  of  the 
Army  and  Navy,  many  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps, 
resplendent  in  their  decorations  of  tinsel  and  gold. 
The  crowd  that  had  assembled  to  view  the  proceed 
ings  was  such  a  one  as  had  never  before  been  seen  in 
the  Capital  City.  There  were  patriots  who  beheld 
their  beloved  country  on  the  verge  of  ruin  and  who 
could  see  no  hope  for  the  future  save  such  as  was  held 
out  by  the  grave,  gaunt  man  before  them.  Despon 
dent  and  hopeless,  they  could  see  no  guiding  light 
through  the  black  clouds  that  lowered  so  thickly 
around  them.  And  there  were  traitors  there,  who 
waited  but  the  opportunity  to  tear  down  and  trample 
underfoot  the  Stars  and  Stripes  that  floated  above 
their  heads,  men,  whose  hearts  were  full  of  malice 
towards  him,  whose  election  to  the  Presidency  they 
had  chosen  to  assign  as  the  cause  for  the  fulmination 
of  their  evil  designs  against  the  Government. 

Upon  the  platform  stood,  with  bowed  head,  Presi 
dent  Buchanan,  whose  administration  was  to  be 
known  to  posterity  as  the  feeblest  and  most  fraught 
with  evil  in  the  history  of  the  country.  There  too, 


194  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

prominent  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  was  Douglas, 
Lincoln's  great  rival,  now,  for  the  first  time  suffering 
the  bitter  pangs  of  defeat,  yet  in  every  way  consider 
ate  of  his  old  friend.  From  this  time  no  man  was 
more  loyal  or  more  earnest  in  the  defense  of  the 
Union  than  Douglas,  he,  who  had  been  ranked  as  the 
champion  of  the  slaveholders.  Henceforth  he  would 
forget  party  allegiance  and  political  animosity,  and 
join  heart  and  hand  with  all  good  patriots  who  strove 
to  preserve  the  Union.  And  to-day,  his  piercing  eye 
restlessly  scanned  the  crowds  before  him  as  if  to 
observe  the  first  signs  of  outbreak  or  violence. 

Everywhere  was  disquiet  and  uncertainty.  The 
spirit  of  violence  was  abroad  and  none  knew  where 
he  would  first  manifest  his  flaming  presence.  One 
man,  alone,  was  calm  and  self-reliant.  Without  a 
tremor  or  a  fear  for  his  personal  safety  Lincoln  stood 
before  the  people,  unconscious  of  self  and  eager  to 
impress  upon  the  world,  for  he  knew  the  world  would 
listen  to  his  utterances,  his  peaceful  sentiments  and 
the  assurance  of  his  belief  that  the  unity  of  the  Gov 
ernment  would  not  be  destroyed  by  violence.  He 
was  not  insensible  to  the  danger,  but  he  believed  that 
the  better  sense  of  the  South  would  ultimately  tri 
umph  over  the  hasty  passions  of  the  men  so  eager  to 
work  a  revolution.  Above  all  he  believed  in  the  per 
manence  of  the  Government  and  the  vitality  of  repub 
lican  institutions,  and  especially  in  the  power  of  the 
Constitution  to  perpetuate  itself.  He  forgot  his  own 
personality  in  the  presence  of  the  tremendous  issues 
thronging  upon  him  and  stood  before  the  people, 
calm  and  fearless,  the  embodiment  of  the  might  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  offended  Genius  of  Liberty. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  IQ5 

He  stood,  bareheaded,  and  read  his  address  in  a 
voice  so  clear  and  penetrating  that  each  word  was 
heard  distinctly  by  every  one  of  the  thousands  pres 
ent.  Beholding  the  dark  clouds  of  war  hanging  low 
over  the  country,  he  yet  planted  his  feet  firmly  upon 
the  rock  of  peace.  His  enemies  had  cast  the  gauntlet 
of  defiance  at  his  feet  and  he,  in  return,  extended 
to  them  the  right  hand  of  amity. 

His  address  was  conciliatory  but  firm,  dignified  but 
confidential.  As  no  other  man  had  ever  done  he 
blended  the  loftiest  utterances  with  perfect  candor 
and  honesty  towards  the  people.  Nevertheless,  the 
address,  which,  in  the  unprejudiced  judgment  of 
history,  will  rank  among  the  great  masterpieces  of 
oratory  and  not  the  least  among  them,  was  greeted 
with  carping  and  criticism.  The  South  characterized  it 
as  the  rabid  utterance  of  the  most  radical  republican 
ism,  and  many  who  should  have  sustained  him  in 
the  North,  spoke  of  him  as  a  traitor  to  his  party 
principles  and  accused  him  of  seeking  to  compromise 
with  the  secessionists.  Time,  the  great  vindicator, 
proves  the  mistake  of  both  and  places  the  correct 
estimate  upon  the  great  inaugural  speech.  Its  length 
forbids  its  entire  insertion  here,  but  some  of  the  most 
striking  passages  are  quoted  below  : 

"  Fellow-citizens  of  the  United  States.  In  com 
pliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  Government  itself, 
I  appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly  and  to 
take  in  your  presence  the  oath  prescribed  by  the 
Constitution  to  be  taken  by  the  President  before  he 
enters  upon  the  execution  of  his  office.  .  .  .  Appre 
hension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republi- 


196  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

can  administration  their  property  and  their  peace  and 
personal  security  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has 
never  been  any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehen 
sion.  Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the  contrary 
has  all  the  time  existed  and  been  open  to  their  inspec 
tion.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the  published  speeches 
of  him  who  now  addresses  you.  I  do  but  quote  from 
one  of  those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  *  I  have  no 
purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I 
believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have 
no  inclination  to  do  so.'  Those  who  nominated  and 
elected  me,  did  so  with  the  full  knowledge  that  I  had 
made  this  and  many  similar  declarations  and  had 
never  recanted  them.  And,  more  than  this,  they 
placed  in  the  platform  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a 
law  to  themselves  and  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic 
resolution  which  I  now  read  :  '  Resolved,  that  the 
maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  con 
trol  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of 
power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our 
political  fabric  depends,  and  we  denounce  the  lawless 
invasion  by  armed  force  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no 
matter  under  what  pretext,  as  the  gravest  of  crimes.' 
I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments  ;  and,  in  doing  so, 
I  only  press  upon  the  public  attention  the  most  con 
clusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is  susceptible,  that 
the  property,  peace  and  security  of  no  section  are  to 
be  in  anywise  endangered  by  the  now  incoming 
administration.  I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection 
which,  consistently  with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  197 

can  be  given  will  be  cheerfully  given,  to  all  the 
States,  when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause 
• — as  cheerfully  to  one  section,  as  to  another.  ...  I 
take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental  reserva 
tions  and  with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitu 
tion  or  laws  by  any  hypercritical  rules.  And  while 
I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify  particular  acts  of  Con 
gress  as  proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest  that  it 
will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and  private 
stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those  acts 
which  stand  unrepealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them 
trusting  to  find  impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be 
unconstitutional. 

"  It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration 
of  a  President  under  the  national  Constitution.  Dur 
ing  that  period  fifteen  different  and  greatly  distin 
guished  citizens  have,  in  succession,  administered  the 
executive  branch  of  the  Government.  They  have 
conducted  it  through  many  perils  and,  generally, 
with  great  success.  Yet  with  all  this  scope  of  pre 
cedent,  I  now  enter  upon  this  same  task,  for  the  brief 
constitutional  term  of  four  years,  under  great  and 
peculiar  difficulty.  A  disruption  of  the  Federal 
Union,  hitherto  only  menaced,  is  now  formidably 
attempted.  I  hold  that,  in  contemplation  of  univer 
sal  law  and  of  the  Constitution,  the  union  of  the 
States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied  if  not 
expressed  in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national 
Governments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  Govern 
ment  proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law 
for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the 
express  provisions  of  our  national  Constitution  and 
the  Union  will  endure  forever — it  being  impossible  to 


198  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

destroy  it  except  by  some  action  not  provided  for  in 
the  instrument  itself. 

"Again  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  Government 
proper,  but  an  association  of  States  in  the  nature  of  a 
compact  merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peaceably 
unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who  made  it. 
One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate  it — break  it,  so 
to  speak,  but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully 
rescind  it  ?  .  .  .  It  follows  from  these  views,  that  no 
State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion,  can  lawfully  get 
out  of  the  Union  ;  that  resolves  and  ordinances  to 
that  effect  are  legally  void  ;  and  that  acts  of  vio 
lence  within  any  State  or  States,  against  the  author 
ity  of  the  United  States,  are  insurrectionary  or  revo 
lutionary,  according  to  the  circumstances.  I  there 
fore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and 
laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken  ;  and  to  the  extent  of 
my  ability,  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  itself 
expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union 
be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this, 
I  deem  to  be  only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part  ;  and  I 
shall  perform  it,  so  far  as  practicable,  unless  my 
rightful  masters,  the  American  people,  shall  with 
hold  the  requisite  means,  or  in  some  authoritative 
manner  direct  the  contrary.  I  trust  this  will  not  be 
regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only  as  a  declared  purpose 
of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitutionally  defend  and 
maintain  itself.  In  doing  this,  there  need  be  no 
bloodshed  or  violence  ;  and  there  shall  be  none  unless 
it  is  forced  upon  the  national  authority.  The  power 
confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy  and  pos 
sess  the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the  Gov 
ernment  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts  ;  but 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  199 

beyond  what  may  be  necessary  for  these  objects, 
there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or 
among  the  people  anywhere.  .  .  .  That  there  are  per 
sons  in  one  section  or  another  who  seek  to  destroy 
the  Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext 
to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm  nor  deny  ;  but  if  there 
be  such,  I  need  address  no  word  to  them.  To  those, 
howevf,  who  really  love  the  Union,  may  I  not  speak  ? 
Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruc 
tion  of  our  national  fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  its 
memories  and  its  hopes,  would  it  not  be  wise  to  ascer 
tain  precisely  why  we  do  it  ?  AVill  you  hazard  so 
desperate  a  step  while  there  is  any  possibility  that 
any  portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  exist 
ence  ?  Will  you,  while  the  certain  ills  you  fly  to  are 
greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from — will  you 
risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ?  AH 
profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union,  if  all  constitu 
tional  rights  can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that 
any  right,  plainly  written  in  the  Constitution  has 
been  denied  ?  I  think  not.  .  .  .  Plainly  the  central 
idea  of  secession  is  the  essence  of  anarchy.  A  major 
ity  held  in  check  by  constitutional  checks  and  limi 
tations,  and  always  changing  easily  with  deliberate 
changes  of  popular  opinion  and  sentiments,  is  the 
only  true  sovereign  of  a  free  people.  Whoever 
rejects  it,  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy  or  to  des 
potism.  Unanimity  is  impossible  ;  the  rule  of  a  mi 
nority,  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inad 
missible  ;  so  that  rejecting  the  minority  principle, 
anarchy  or  despotism  in  some  form,  is  all  that  is  left. 
.  .  .  One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is 
right,  and  ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other 


2OO  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

believes  it  is  wrong  and  ought  not  to  be  extended. 
This  is  the  only  substantial  dispute.  .  .  .  Physically 
speaking  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove  our 
respective  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an 
impassable  wall  between  them.  A  husband  and  wife 
may  be  divorced  and  go  out  of  the  presence,  and 
beyond  the  reach  of  each  other,  but  the  different 
parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  this.  They  cannot 
but  remain  face  to  face  and  intercourse,  either  ami 
cable  or  hostile,  must  continue  between  them.  Is  it 
possible  to  make  that  intercourse  more  advantageous 
or  more  satisfactory  after  separation  than  before  ? 
Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can 
make  laws  ?  Can  treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced 
among  aliens  than  treaties  among  friends?  Suppose 
you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always  ;  and  when, 
after  much  loss  on  both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either, 
you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old  questions  as  to 
terms  of  intercourse  are  again  upon  you.  .  .  .  My 
Countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon 
this  whole  subject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by 
taking  time.  If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you 
in  hot  haste  to  a  step  which  you  would  never  take  delib 
erately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking  time  ; 
but  no  good  object  will  be  frustrated  by  it.  Such  of 
you,  as  are  now  dissatisfied,  still  have  the  old  Consti 
tution  unimpaired  and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the 
laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it ;  while  the  new 
administration  will  have  no  immediate  power,  if  it 
would,  to  change  either.  If  it  were  admitted  that 
you,  who  are  dissatisfied,  hold  the  right  side  in  the 
dispute,  there  is  still  no  single  good  reason  for  pre 
cipitate  action.  Intelligence,  Patriotism,  Christianity 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  2OI 

and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him,  who  has  never  yet  for 
saken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust, 
in  the  best  way,  all  our  present  difficulty.  In  your 
hands,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of 
civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you.  You 
can  have  no  conflict,  without  being  yourselves  the 
aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  Heaven 
to  destroy  the  Government,  while  I  shall  have  the 
most  solemn  one  'to  preserve,  protect  and  defend  it.' 
I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends. 
We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have 
strained  it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection. 
The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  loving  heart 
and  hearthstone,  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet 
swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched, 
as  they  surely  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our 
nature." 

At  the  close  of  the  address  Chief  Justice  Taney, 
white-haired  and  venerable  with  age,  stepped  forward 
and  administered  the  simple  oath  of  office.  It  was  a 
striking  scene,  the  Judge,  whose  decision  in  the  Dred 
Scott  case  had  opened  all  the  avenues  of  contention 
and  civil  war,  confirming  the  authority  of  the  man 
who  had  been  most  potent  in  opposition  to  the  prin 
ciple  he  had  enunciated,  and  who  was  destined  to 
overthrow  the  institution  in  whose  favor  it  had  been 
made.  It  was  the  old  dispensation  handing  its  sword 
to  the  new ;  the  might  of  law  triumphing  over  the 
confusion  of  anarchy  and  secession.  From  that 
moment  the  ill-omened  institution  was  doomed,  yet 
it  had  so  entered  into  and  permeated  the  life  of  the 
South  that  it  required  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war  to 


202  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

tear  it  out.  It  had  been  rooted  in  tyranny,  and  prop 
agated  and  nourished  in  the  midst  of  sectional 
strife  and  jealousy,  until  the  mighty  force  of  the 
Government  was  all  but  inadequate  to  overthrow 
it. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  came  upon  the  platform  he 
appeared  awkward  and  ill  at  ease.  He  was  clad  in  a 
new  suit  of  clothes  and  carried  in  his  hand  a  new  silk 
hat,  a  style  which  he  had  never  before  worn.  As  he 
stepped  to  the  front  he  looked  helplessly  around  for 
some  place  to  put  his  hat  but  could  find  none.  For  a 
moment  he  stood  holding  it  in  his  hands,  evidently 
unwilling  to  trust  it  upon  the  floor,  when  Mr.  Doug 
las,  who  had  seen  his  embarrassment  and  its  cause, 
stepped  forward  and  took  the  hat  and  held  it  during 
the  address,  while  he  listened  with  eager  interest  to 
every  word  that  fell  from  the  lips  of  the  speaker  and 
from  time  to  time  showed  plainly  his  approval  of  the 
sentiments  expressed. 

When  the  ceremonies  were  ended,  the  hearers  slowly 
dispersed  and  went  to  their  homes  and  the  new 
administration  entered  upon  its  difficult  duties  amid 
embarrassments  far  greater  than  could  have  been 
expected  and  which  were  destined  to  increase  rapidly 
both  in  numbers  and  extent. 

Of  all  the  congratulations  extended  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
none  were  more  sincere  and  heartfelt  than  those  of 
Mr.  Douglas  who,  realizing  the  magnitude  of  the  task 
undertaken  by  his  erstwhile  rival,  gave  him  the  assur 
ance  that  he  wrould  aid  him  to  the  utmost  in  uphold 
ing  the  Constitution  and  enforcing  the  laws  of  the 
country.  And  he  nobly  kept  his  pledge. 

Mr.  Arnold,  in  his  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  relates  the  fol- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  203 

lowing  remarkable  story  of  a  prophecy  made  by  Mr. 
Douglas  at  this  time  : 

"  Senator  Douglas  and  his  wife,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  fascinating  women  of  America,  occu 
pied  one  of  the  houses  which  formed  the  Minnesota 
block.  On  New  Year's  Day,  1861,  General  Stewart, 
of  New  York,  was  making  a  New  Year's  call  on  Sen 
ator  Douglas  and,  after  some  conversation,  asked 
him  :  '  What  will  be  the  result,  Senator,  of  the  efforts 
of  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  associates,  to  divide  the 
Union  ?' 

" *  We  were,'  says  Stewart,  *  sitting  on  the  sofa 
together,  when  I  asked  the  question.  Douglas  rose, 
walked  rapidly  up  and  down  the  room  for  a  moment, 
and  then,  pausing,  he  exclaimed,  with  deep  feeling 
and  excitement : 

"  *  The  cotton  States  are  making  an  effort  to  draw  in 
the  border  States  to  their  schemes  of  secession,  and  I 
am  but  too  fearful  they  will  succeed.  If  they  do, 
there  will  be  the  most  fearful  civil  war  the  world  has 
ever  seen,  lasting  for  years.' 

"  Pausing  a  moment,  he  looked  like  one  inspired, 
while  he  proceeded  :  '  Virginia,  over  yonder,  across 
the  Potomac,'  pointing  to  Arlington,  *  will  become  a 
charnel-house  ;  but,  in  the  end  the  Union  will 
triumph.  They  will  try  to  get  possession  of  this 
Capital,  to  give  them  prestige  abroad,  but  in  that  effort 
they  will  never  succeed  ;  the  North  will  arise  en  masse 
to  defend  it.  But  Washington  will  become  a  city  of 
hospitals,  the  churches  will  be  used  for  the  sick  and 
wounded.  This  house,'  he  continued,  '  the  Minnesota 
block,  will  be  devoted  to  that  purpose  before  the  end 
of  the  war.' 


204  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

"  Every  word  of  this  prediction  was  literally  fulfilled; 
nearly  all  the  churches  were  used  for  the  wounded 
and  the  Minnesota  block  and  the  very  room,  in  which 
this  declaration  was  made,  became  the  '  Douglas 
Hospital.' 

"'What  justification  is  therefor  all  this? 'asked 
Stewart. 

"  '  There  is  no  justification,'  replied  Douglas.  '  I  will 
go  as  far  as  the  Constitution  will  permit  to  main 
tain  their  just  rights.  But,'  said  he,  rising  to  his  feet 
and  raising  his  arm,  *  if  the  Southern  States  attempt 
to  secede,  I  am  in  favor  of  their  having  just  so  many 
slaves,  and  just  so  much  slave  territory,  as  they  can 
hold  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  no  more.' " 

Five  months  after  this  remarkable  conversation 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  was  no  more. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WHEN  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  the  White  House  on  the 
night  of  March  4,  1861,  he  was  nominally  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  but  in  fact  his  recognized 
authority  extended  only  over  the  Northern  and  bor 
der  States,  the  Southern  tier  was  in  a  state  of  open 
revolt.  The  Union  was  disintegrated,  the  Constitu 
tion  nullified  and  the  opposing  political  theories  of 
States'  rights  and  centralization,  brought  into  hostile 
relations  by  the  unholy  institution  of  slavery,  were 
now  preparing  to  decide  the  great  dispute  by  force 
of  arms. 

Seven  States  had  already  passed  ordinances  of  se 
cession  and  had  set  up  a  provisional  government, 
with  Montgomery  as  the  capital.  North  Carolina 
was  the  only  Southern  State  that  still  hesitated.  At 
first,  the  majority  of  its  people  were  opposed  to  seces 
sion.  This  grand  old  State  had  special  reason  to 
cling  to  and  reverence  the  Union.  Within  its  borders 
had  been  fought  some  of  the  most  sanguinary  conflicts 
of  the  Revolution  and,  in  the  past,  no  State  had  been 
more  loyal  to  the  Constitution  or  more  ready  to  sacri 
fice  blood  and  treasure  in  its  defense.  Her  patriotic 
feelings,  however,  were  strongly  opposed  by  the  com 
mon  sentiment  of  her  sister  States,  to  whom  she  was 
bound  by  ties  of  strongest  sympathy  and  common 
interest.  The  disunion  influences  were  thus  too 

(205) 


2O6  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

strong  to  be  resisted  and  the  secession  ordinance  was 
passed,  May  21,  and  the  Southern  Confederacy  was 
complete. 

The  fight  in  the  border  States  of  Maryland,  Ken 
tucky  and  Missouri  was  long  and  bitter.  The  people 
were  about  equally  divided,  but  the  Union  party 
finally  triumphed,  assisted,  as  it  was,  by  the  active 
sympathy  and  support  of  the  North  and  the  earnest 
co-operation  of  the  administration.  Mr.  Lincoln 
clearly  perceived  the  importance  of  retaining  these 
States  in  the  Union,  not  only  for  their  moral  influ 
ence  but  also  because  they  formed  a  belt  of  neutral 
territory  between  the  loyal  and  disloyal  States.  Had 
these  States  seceded,  the  war  would,  no  doubt,  have 
been  greatly  prolonged,  the  National  Capital  could 
not  have  been  held  against  the  enemy,  and  the  issue 
would  have  been  more  doubtful  than  it  was. 

The  difficulties  that  surrounded  the  administration 
were  almost  insuperable.  There  was  incipient  war, 
and  no  means  of  crushing  it;  rebellion,  but  the  hands 
of  the  Government  were  tied.  The  majority  of  the 
army  officers,  who  had  been  educated  at  West  Point, 
and  had  gained  skill  from  actual  experience,  violated 
their  oaths  and  entered  the  armies  of  the  South.  The 
army  and  navy  were  demoralized  and  almost  disor 
ganized.  The  munitions  of  war  had  been  largely 
transported  to  the  South,  and  were  now  in  the  hands 
of  the  recalcitrants.  The  Treasury  was  empty,  and 
the  public  credit  exhausted.  The  administration 
was  in  the  hands  of  men  who  were  untried  and  inex 
perienced  in  the  details  of  the  governmental  ma 
chinery.  Moreover,  the  constant  defections  of  men, 
who  were  believed  to  be  thoroughly  loyal,  and  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  2OJ 

outbreak  of  treasonable  sentiments  in  quarters  least 
expected,  filled  the  hearts  of  loyal  citizens  with  dis 
trust  and  deepened  their  apprehensions.  For  a  time, 
no  active  or  aggressive  policy  was  announced  by  the 
Government,  and  the  people,  forgetting  that  the  new 
officers  must  have  time  to  become  accustomed  to  their 
duties  before  any  decided  change  could  be  inaugu 
rated,  bewailed  the  apathy  of  the  Government  and 
began  to  hint  that  it  was  secretly  in  sympathy  with  the 
South.  In  addition  to  all  this  the  European  world 
either  looked  coldly  on  or  extended  sympathy  and 
the  implied  promise  of  support  in  the  future  to  the 
seceding  States. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  announced  in  his  inaugural  that 
he  should  never  make  war  upon  the  South.  If  war 
must  come,  the  disaffected  people  would  themselves 
be  the  aggressors.  Therefore,  he  awaited  patiently 
the  issue,  all  the  time  making  active  preparations  for 
an  emergency,  but  avoiding  all  appearance  of  hostil 
ity  or  any  overt  action  which  could  be  regarded  as  a 
provocation  or  excuse  for  war  on  the  part  of  the 
South.  Meantime,  events  in  the  seceding  States  were 
moving  rapidly  on  towards  the  catastrophe.  The 
leaders  had  determined  upon  separation  at  all  haz 
ards,  and  while  the  Northern  States  had  been  uncer 
tain  as  to  the  course  of  events  and  disturbed  by  con 
flicting  counsels  and  the  embarrassments  incident 
upon  a  change  of  administration,  the  fullest  oppor 
tunities  had  been  offered  to  the  violent  spirits  of  the 
South  to  conceive  and  carry  out  their  treasonable 
plans.  In  South  Carolina,  the  discontent  was  great 
est  and  the  disunion  sentiment  most  violent.  Here, 
naturally,  the  first  outbreak  occurred.  The  Confed- 


208  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

erate  Government  saw  that  a  loyal  garrison  in  Fort 
Sumter,  in  Charleston  harbor,  would  materially  inter 
fere  with  their  plans,  and  they  determined  to  secure 
possession  of  the  stronghold.  When  Major  Ander 
son,  the  officer  in  command,  refused  to  surrender, 
they  opened  fire  upon  the  old  flag,  Friday  morning, 
April  12. 

Never  before  had  the  roar  of  hostile  cannon  so 
convulsed  a  mighty  nation.  The  majority  of  the 
Northern  people,  while  deeply  troubled  by  the  mani 
fest  hostility  of  their  Southern  brethren,  could  not 
yet  believe  that  they  would  deliberately  commence  a 
great  civil  war.  For  more  than  a  generation  there 
had  been  no  war  of  any  magnitude  upon  American 
soil.  Great  industries  and  an  immense  traffic  be 
tween  the  different  sections,  nurtured  by  peaceful 
influences,  had  banished  the  memories  of  the  horror 
and  carnage  of  war,  and  men  now  stood  aghast  at 
the  thought  that  a  war,  whose  consequences  none 
could  foresee,  had  suddenly  come  upon  them,  and 
that  the  great  cities,  the  product  and  abode  of  the 
peaceful  arts,  might  soon  be  given  over  to  rapine  and 
flames.  There  was  no  hamlet  so  remote  but  it  might 
fear  the  coming  of  the  ruthless  invader,  no  home- 
circle  which  might  not  be  broken.  Yet  the  shock 
was  not  one  of  paralysis,  but  rather  the  blow  which 
awakens  from  the  lethargy  of  inaction  and  brings 
every  faculty  into  instant  and  vigorous  exercise. 
Much  could  be  forgiven,  but  the  insult  to  the  old 
flag,  around  which  clustered  so  many  hallowed  mem 
ories,  and  which  represented  all  that  was  noble  and 
enduring  in  republican  institutions,  could  not  be 
condoned. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  209 

A  wave  of  awakening  patriotism  swept  over  the 
North  to  its  remotest  limits.  Orators  in  the  public 
squares,  and  ministers  in  the  pulpits,  preached  in  fer 
vent  words  the  duty  of  patriotism  and  loyalty  to  the 
Government.  For  the  time  all  political  antagonisms 
were  forgotten.  Party  strifes  and  sectional  jealousies 
were  laid  aside  and  Democrats  vied  with  Republicans, 
Nationals  with  Abolitionists  in  their  eagerness  to  de 
fend  the  majesty  of  the  Government  and  to  sustain 
its  imperiled  interests.  Nor  were  the  feelings  of  the 
people  expressed  alone  in  words.  Men  hastened  to 
lay  upon  their  country's  altar,  their  influence,  their 
property,  themselves.  Never  had  there  been  such  a 
patriotic  uprising.  Companies  were  formed  and 
drilled  in  every  village  and  hamlet.  The  militia  as 
sembled.  Muskets  and  flint  locks,  which  had  done 
service  in  the  Revolution  and  the  Mexican  War,  were 
taken  down  from  the  hooks,  where  they  had  long  re 
posed  untouched,  and  were  cleaned  and  burnished 
and  made  ready  for  use.  Meantime,  every  eye  was 
turned  towards  Washington  and  him,  upon  whose 
shoulders  devolved  the  responsibility  of  directing  the 
efforts  made  to  uphold  the  honor  and  integrity  of  the 
Government.  At  last  had  come  the  crucial  test,  the 
hour  that  would  prove  the  metal  of  the  man  and  ex 
pose  to  the  world  the  flaw  if  one  existed.  Would  the 
pioneer  President  rise  to  the  demands  of  the  hour 
and  prove  himself  a  master  in  the  untried  sphere  into 
which  he  had  been  called;  or  would  the  reins  of 
power  fall  from  his  nerveless  hand  ?  Upon  the  an 
swer  to  this  question  depended  the  fate  of  the  Nation, 
and  to  a  large  extent  the  weal  or  woe  of  modern  civ 
ilization. 


210  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

The  world  was  not  long  left  in  doubt.  During  the 
trying  weeks  previous  to  the  assault  upon  Sumter, 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  swerved  from  his  expressed  pol 
icy  and  more  than  once  had  he  reiterated  and  empha 
sized  it.  Even  at  the  time,  when  the  siege  of  Sumter 
was  in  progress  and  when  it  would  appear  that  all 
hope  for  securing  a  peaceful  solution  should  have 
been  abandoned,  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  reply  to  a  com 
mittee,  appointed  by  the  Virginia  convention,  which 
afterwards  passed  the  secession  ordinance,  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  definitely  his  policy,  referred 
in  emphatic  terms  to  the  statements  made  in  his  in 
augural  address,  saying: 

"  By  the  words  '  property  and  places  belonging  to 
the  Government'  I  chiefly  allude  to  the  military  posts 
and  property  which  were  in  the  possession  of  the  Gov 
ernment  when  it  came  into  my  hands.  But  if,  as  now 
appears  to  be  true,  in  pursuit  of  a  purpose  to  drive 
the  United  States  authority  from  these  places,  an  un 
provoked  assault  has  been  made  upon  Fort  Sumter,  I 
shall  hold  myself  at  liberty  to  repossess  like  places 
which  had  been  seized  before  the  Government  was 
devolved  upon  me;  and  in  any  event  I  shall,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  repel  force  with  force." 

The  attitude  of  Mr.  Douglas  at  this  time  was  a 
source  of  great  strength  to  the  administration  and  to 
the  cause  at  large.  His  last  days  were  his  most  glo 
rious,  and  go  far  towards  wiping  away  the  stains 
which  his  course  had  left  upon  his  reputation.  In  a 
newspaper  interview,  which  was  published  all  over 
the  land,  he  proclaimed  himself  as  "  unalterably  op 
posed  to  the  administration  in  all  its  political  issues, 
but  prepared  to  fully  sustain  the  President  in  the  ex- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  211 

ercise  of  all  his  constitutional  functions,  to  preserve 
the  Union,  maintain  the  Government,  and  defend  the 
Federal  Capital."  He  furthermore  said: 

"  The  Capital  is  in  danger  and  must  be  defended 
at  all  hazards,  and  at  any  expense  of  men  and  money. 
A  firm  policy  and  prompt  action  is  necessary."  The 
whole  weight  of  his  influence  was  used  to  inculcate 
these  principles,  especially  among  his  political  as 
sociates,  until,  but  a  few  weeks  later,  he  was  cut  off 
in  the  midst  of  his  career  and  the  country  stopped 
for  a  moment  to  drop  a  tear  on  his  grave. 

On  the  i5th  day  of  April,  soon  after  the  fall  of 
Sumter  was  announced,  the  President  issued  a  proc 
lamation  calling  for  seventy-five  thousand  volunteers 
and  summoning  Congress  to  meet  in  extra  session, 
July  4.  In  the  proclamation  he  said:  "I  deem  it 
proper  to  say  that  the  first  service  assigned  to  the 
forces  hereby  called  out  will  probably  be  to  repossess 
the  forts,  places  and  property  which  have  been  seized 
from  the  Union;  and  in  every  event  the  utmost  care 
will  be  observed,  consistently  with  the  objects  afore 
said,  to  avoid  any  devastation  and  destruction  of  or 
interference  with  property,  or  any  disturbance  of 
peaceful  citizens  of  any  part  of  the  country." 

The  call  was  instantly  answered  and  the  full  num 
ber  asked  for  was  ready  to  start  for  the  scene  of  war 
before  the  end  of  the  week.  Indeed,  more  than  one 
detachment  of  troops  were  on  the  way  to  the  National 
Capital  almost  before  the  telegraphic  instrument  had 
ticked  out  its  startling  message. 

Although  the  number  of  troops  called  for  was  soon 
at  hand,  they  were  far  from  being  ready  for  service. 
Recruited  from  the  farm,  counting-room  and  store, 


212  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

they  were  totally  inexperienced  in  war  and  ignorant 
of  its  art.  It  was  almost  as  difficult  a  task  to  organ 
ize  and  drill  them  as  it  was  afterwards  to  lead  them 
on  to  victory.  It  takes  time,  to  convert  raw  recruits 
into  disciplined  armies  and  time  was  wanting.  So 
the  President  and  his  co-laborers  exerted  every  ener 
gy  and  strained  every  nerve  in  the  efforts  to  meet  the 
emergency. 

In  its  every  feature  the  situation  was  a  trying  one. 
The  present  was  thick  with  perplexities  and  the  fu 
ture  dark  with  portents.  The  one  bright  feature 
which  gladdened  the  heart  of  the  President  and  made 
it  possible  for  him  to  carry  out  the  great  lines  of  pol 
icy  which  he  had  inaugurated  was  the  attitude  of  the 
loyal  people  of  the  North,  who  heartily  supported 
the  administration  regardless  of  party,  at  least  for  a 
time.  More  clearly  than  the  people  could  did  he  ap 
preciate  the  magnitude  of  the  struggle  and  the  great 
principles  involved.  With  him  it  was  not  a  question 
whether  ten  States  should  be  permitted  to  withdraw 
from  the  Union  and  set  up  a  separate  government, 
but  whether  Republican  Institutions  possessed  inher 
ent  vigor  sufficient  to  perpetuate  themselves  against 
violent  assaults  from  within.  The  blow  was  directed 
not  alone  against  the  American  Republic,  but  against 
the  great  principle  of  popular  sovereignty.  Never  had 
there  been  so  advantageous  a  field  for  the  develop 
ment  of  this  form  of  government,  as  in  America,  and 
if  it  should  fail  here  it  would  receive  its  death  blow. 
In  his  first  message  to  Congress  he  states  this  princi 
ple  clearly  and  concisely: 

"  This  is  essentially  a  people's  contest.  On  the 
side  of  the  Union  it  is  a  struggle  for  maintaining  in  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  213 

world  that  form  and  substance  of  government,  whose 
leading  object  is  to  elevate  the  condition  of  man  ;  to 
lift  artificial  weights  from  all  shoulders  ;  to  clear  the 
paths  of  laudable  pursuits  for  all  ;  to  afford  all  an 
unfettered  start  and  a  fair  chance  in  the  race  of  life. 
Yielding  to  partial  and  temporary  departures,  from 
necessity,  this  is  the  leading  object  of  the  Govern 
ment  for  whose  existence  we  contend.  I  am  most 
happy  to  believe  that  the  plain  people  understand 
and  appreciate  this." 

The  Congress,  which  met  July  4,  was  a  noteworthy 
assembly.  Many  seats  were  vacant  and  the  delibera 
tions  were  marked  by  a  solemnity  never  before  mani 
fested  in  the  Capitol.  The  discordant  element  was, 
for  the  time  being,  withdrawn.  The  halls  which  had 
so  often  in  the  past  echoed  with  fierce  contentions, 
were  now  the  scenes  of  earnest,  united  action.  The 
reality  of  the  war  was  mutely  attested  by  the  empty 
chairs.  Turn  which  way  they  would,  the  members 
were  met  with  the  evidences  of  rebellion.  The 
responsibility  laid  upon  them  developed  "/ise  states 
men  out  of  men  hitherto  unknown,  as  it  developed, 
in  the  field,  skillful  generals  out  of  the  raw  soldiery. 
In  Congress  were  men  who  had  grown  gray  in  the 
honored  service  of  their  country  and  others  just 
entering  the  political  arena,  whose  names  were  to 
become  household  words  and  whose  influence  would 
be  potent  in  directing  the  affairs  of  the  Government. 
In  the  Senate,  presided  over  by  Vice-President  Ham- 
lin,  were  such  men  as  Sumner,  Collamer,  Foote, 
Anthony,  Hall,  Trumbull,  Wilmot  and  Lane.  In  the 
House  were  Conkling,  Thad  Stevens,  Colfax,  Logan 
and  Cox. 


214  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

The  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  House  was  favor 
able  to  the  President  and  his  policy.  The  majority 
were  ardent  and  wise  patriots,  quick  to  appreciate 
the  demands  of  a  situation  and  to  wisely  satisfy  them 
so  far  as  possible.  Their  first  act  was  to  indorse, 
unreservedly,  the  action  and  policy  of  the  President, 
and  to  pledge  themselves  to  vote  for  any  amount  of 
money  and  number  of  men  which  might  be  necessary 
to  quell  the  insurrection.  The  military  situation 
soon  began  to  present  serious  difficulties.  A  splendid 
army  of  volunteer  soldiers  had  assembled  at  Wash 
ington,  eager  for  service,  but  utterly  unskilled  in  the 
art  of  warfare.  The  North  was  impatiently  demand 
ing  that  an  attack  be  made  without  delay,  and  many 
believed  that  an  immediate  and  crushing  blow  would 
end  the  war.  A  general  movement  was  therefore 
planned.  General  McClellan,  who  had  succeeded 
General  Scott,  with  a  large  army  attempted  to  drive 
the  Confederates  out  of  West  Virginia,  while  General 
McDowell  attacked  their  main  army  at  Manassas. 
On  the  2ist  of  July  occurred  the  battle  of  Bull  Run, 
and  the  disastrous  flight  of  the  Federal  army.  The 
blow  was  a  severe  one,  and  yet  it  served  to  awaken 
the  North  more  fully  to  the  serious  character  of  the 
war,  and  to  prove  that  it  could  not  be  ended  by  a 
single  campaign.  The  defeat  was  a  surprise  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  caused  him  deep  sorrow,  yet,  even  when 
overwhelmed  by  anxiety,  he  did  not  lose  his  sense  of 
humor  or  his  readiness  to  illustrate  a  point  by  a 
humorous  story.  Indeed,  this  propensity  seemed  to 
afford  him  relief  from  the  pressure  of  his  work,  act 
ing  much  like  the  safety-valve  of  a  steam-engine. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  215 

Two  or  three  days  after  the  battle  some  gentlemen, 
who  had  been  on  the  field,  visited  him  and  related 
the  details  as  they  had  observed  them,  putting  as 
good  a  face  upon  them  as  possible.  After  listening 
to  them,  he  said,  "  So  it  is  your  notion  that  we  whipped 
the  rebels  and  then  ran  away  from  them  !  "  Soon 
after  the  battle  he  visited  the  arm)7  at  Georgetown,  and, 
while  inspecting  the  arrangements  in  company  with 
Colonel  Sherman,  a  subordinate  officer  approached 
him,  evidently  very  angry,  and  complained  of  the 
unjust  treatment  which,  he  alleged,  had  been  accorded 
him  by  Colonel  Sherman,  who  had  threatened  to 
shoot  him.  "  Well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  loud  whisper, 
which  was  easily  heard  by  all  in  the  vicinity,  "  if  I 
were  you  and  he  threatened  to  shoot  me,  I  wouldn't 
trust  him,  for  I  believe  he  would  do  it." 

Military  operations  on  a  large  scale  were  now 
entered  upon.  A  great  army  was  concentrated  around 
Washington,  which  was  believed  to  be  in  immediate 
danger  of  attack.  Fresh  troops  were  constantly 
arriving  from  all  parts  of  the  North  and  going  into 
camp  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  The  labor  of  con 
verting  the  great  masses  of  raw  troops  into  an  effec 
tive  force  of  disciplined  soldiery,  was  long  and  ardu 
ous,  and  for  some  months  but  little  progress  seemed 
to  be  made  by  the  National  arms.  Again,  so  many 
of  the  best  and  most  efficient  officers  had  deserted  the 
"  Stars  and  Stripes  "  and  enrolled  themselves  in  the 
Confederate  army,  that  the  National  forces  had  been 
left  without  tried  leaders.  The  generals  must  be  edu 
cated  as  well  as  the  soldiers,  and  nothing  but  service  in 
the  field  could  test  their  skill  and  ability.  Hence  the 
National  cause  was  greatly  retarded  and  the  war 


2l6  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

prolonged.  General  Scott,  the  hero  of  the  Mexican 
War,  was  too  old  and  infirm  to  carry  the  burden  of  the 
war  and  had  resigned  his  position  of  Commanding 
General  early  in  October.  General  McClellan,  a 
young  and  dashing  officer,  was  appointed  his  succes 
sor.  He  was  a  thorough  patriot,  having  what  he 
believed  to  be  the  best  interests  of  the  country  at 
heart,  but  slow  and  unprogressive,  impatient  of  critic 
ism  and  obstinate  in  his  self-esteem.  He  lacked  the 
most  important  qualifications  of  a  military  leader, 
and  allowed  many  opportunities  to  distinguish  him 
self  and  win  success  for  the  cause  to  slip  through  his 
hands.  The  President  was  disposed  to  place  the 
utmost  confidence  in  him  and  to  give  over  into  his 
hands  the  general  control  of  the  army,  and  to  listen 
to  his  suggestions  and  comply  with  his  advice  so  far 
as  possible. 

On  the  2istof  October  occurred  the  battle  of  Ball's 
Bluff,  a  mere  skirmish,  which  was  distinguished  only 
by  the  death  of  the  gallant  Colonel  Baker,  who  had 
left  his  seat  in  the  Senate  to  lead  his  regiment  into 
battle.  Baker  was  an  old  and  trusted  friend  of  Lin 
coln,  who  keenly  felt  his  loss  and,  in  common  with 
the  whole  country,  lamented  it.  The  loss  of  Baker, 
though  of  less  vital  importance,  had  much  the  same 
effect  upon  the  people  as  the  loss  of  Hampden  in  the 
great  English  rebellion.  In  many  respects  the  two 
men  were  counterparts. 

On  the  8th  of  November  occurred  an  event  which 
threatened  a  violent  rupture  of  the  already  strained 
relations  existing  between  the  National  Government 
and  England.  The  sympathies  of  England  were 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  217 

largely  with  the  South,  and  her  Government  had 
hastened  to  recognize  the  Confederate  States  as  a 
belligerent  power.  It  was  no  secret  that  private  indi 
viduals  were  actively  engaged  in  England  in  fitting  out 
ships  of  war  and  blockade  runners  for  the  use  of  the 
rebellious  States,  besides  rendering  much  material  aid 
in  other  ways,  if  not  with  the  connivance  of,  at  least 
ignored  by  the  Government.  Hence  when  news 
came  that  Captain  Wilkes,  of  the  San  Jacinto,  had 
taken  the  Confederate  commissioners  from  the  British 
mail  steamer  Trent,  the  act  was  greeted  with  the  most 
enthusiastic  commendation  from  every  side.  Indig 
nation  and  hostility  against  England  had  never,  since 
the  War  of  1812,  been  so  violent  and  demonstrative. 

The  Confederate  representatives  were  brought  to 
Boston  and  confined  in  Fort  Warren.  Not  only  were 
the  people  at  large  loud  in  the  praises  of  Captain 
Wilkes,  but  he  even  received  official  thanks  from  his 
superior  officers.  Congress  hastily  passed  a  resolu 
tion  of  thanks  ;  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  wrote  a 
letter  of  congratulation  on  the  "  great  public  service  " 
rendered  by  the  capture  of  the  rebel  emissaries,  and 
Secretary  Stanton  applauded  the  deed.  The  whole 
people  were  ready  to  rush  into  a  hasty  war  with 
England  while  the  South  rejoiced  at  every  manifesta 
tion  of  such  sentiment,  knowing  that  a  declara 
tion  of  war  would  be  followed  by  a  close  alliance 
between  their  own  Government  and  that  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  incident  placed  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  difficult  posi 
tion,  one  where  a  less  clear-sighted  and  resolute  man 
would  have  utterly  failed.  He  was  quick  to  see  that 
the  act  was  of  the  very  same  nature  as  those  on  the 


215  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

part  of  England  which  brought  on  the  War  of  1812  and 
was  a  violation  of  all  maritime  law.  It  is  true  that 
no  British  subject  was  interfered  with  in  the  exploit 
of  Captain  Wilkes.  But  the  principle,  which  had  been 
established  by  the  force  of  arms,  was  as  applicable 
in  1860  as  in  1812,  against  the  Americans  now  as 
against  the  English  then. 

The  temper  of  the  people  and  the  injudicious  words 
of  more  than  one  member  of  his  Cabinet,  made  the 
task  devolving  upon  him  all  the  more  difficult.  Eng 
land  immediately,  and  in  terms  by  no  means  con 
ciliatory,  made  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the 
prisoners  to  the  English  Minister  at  Washington,  and 
for  an  ample  apology  from  the  Government.  If  the 
demand  should  be  refused,  war  would  be  inevitable 
and  that  at  a  time  when  the  country  was  involved  in 
the  most  extensive  and  costly  civil  war  ever  known. 
The  result  could  hardly  have  been  doubtful.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  the  demand  was  complied  with,  the 
scarce  concealed  hostility  of  the  English  must  still  be 
expected  as  well  as  the  indignation  and,  perhaps,  dis 
affection  of  a  large  party  of  the  Northern  people. 
Popular  sentiment  was  forcibly  expressed  in  a  speech 
made  afterwards  in  Congress  by  Owen  Lovejoy,  who 
was  one  of  Lincoln's  warmest  supporters.  He  said  : 
"  Every  time  this  Trent  affair  comes  up,  ...  I  am 
made  to  renew  the  horrible  grief  which  I  suffered 
when  the  news  of  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Slidell 
came.  I  acknowledge  it,  I  literally  wept  tears  of 
vexation.  I  hate  it ;  and  I  hate  the  British  Govern 
ment.  I  have  never  shared  in  the  traditional  hos 
tility  of  many  of  my  countrymen  against  England. 
But  I  now  here  publicly  avow  and  record  my  inex- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  219 

tinguishable  hatred  of  that  Government.  I  mean  to 
cherish  it  while  I  live,  and  bequeath  it  as  a  legacy  to 
my  children  when  I  die." 

Against  such  a  sentiment  as  this  did  Lincoln  declare 
when  he  ordered  the  return  of  the  prisoners.  He 
could  not  do  otherwise  than  share  in  the  prevailing 
indignation  against  England,  but  his  cool  judgment 
caused  him  to  rise  above  the  prejudice  of  passion  and 
to  grasp  the  broad  principles  involved  and  to  carry 
them  out  at  whatever  risk  of  popularity  to  himself. 
The  same  high  principle  guided  him  in  his  private  as 
in  his  public  life.  He  was  always  above  mean  jealou 
sies  and  animosities,  and  never  was  he  known  to 
cherish  resentment  against  any  public  or  private 
enemy.  He  showed  the  highest  degree  of  magna 
nimity  towards  any  one  who  had  injured  him  and 
never  sought  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  him.  And 
this  was  not  because  he  was  insensible  to  insult.  His 
nature  was  sensitive  and  unjust  attack  and  ridicule 
caused  him  much  suffering,  but  his  dignity  of  charac 
ter  and  complete  self-control  enabled  him  to  triumph 
over  them. 

It  required  nerve  and  moral  courage  to  take  such 
a  stand  in  regard  to  the  Trent  affair  in  the  face  of 
the  opposition  of  the  whole  North,  but  while  he  was 
roundly  denounced  in  the  heat  and  excitement  of  the 
hour,  the  calmer  judgment  of  the  people  thoroughly 
approved  his  course.  Nowhere  had  Lincoln  been  so 
mercilessly  ridiculed,  so  unjustly  and  persistently 
misrepresented,  so  maligned  and  scoffed  at,  as  in 
England.  The  papers  were  filled  with  squibs,  and 
society  laughed  and  jeered  over  burlesque  descrip 
tions  of  his  awkward  appearance.  This  feeling  was 


220  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

aptly  referred  to  in  a  stanza  of  a  poem  published  after 
his  death,  in  Punch,  as  follows  : 

"  You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace 

Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer 

His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face, 

His  gaunt,  gnarled  hands,  his  unkempt,  bristling  hair, 

His  garb  uncouth,  his  bearing  ill  at  ease, 

His  lack  of  all  we  prize  as  debonnaire, 

Of  power  or  will  to  shine,  of  art  to  please." 

Yet  all  this  could  not  cause  him  to  swerve  from  the 
course  of  right  and  justice  to  satisfy  national  hostili 
ties  or  avenge  a  private  wrong.  He  was  satisfied  to 
do  his  duty  as  it  became  plain  to  him  and  leave  to 
time  his  vindication,  and  nobly  did  it  come  at  last. 

The  diplomatic  correspondence  carried  on  by  Mr 
Seward,  in  regard  to  the  affair,  is  characterized  by 
remarkable  ability  and  clear-sightedness.  The  Pres 
ident  assisted,  in  no  small  degree,  in  its  preparation, 
both  by  advice  and  direction.  He  afterwards  said 
that  the  affair  occurring  at  a  critical  time  in  the  con 
duct  of  the  war  occasioned  him  much  anxiety  and 
apprehension.  When  asked  if  he  was  not  reluctant 
to  surrender  the  two  Commissioners  to  England,  he 
said  :  "Yes,  that  was  a  bitter  pill  to  swallow,  but  I 
contented  myself  with  believing  that  England's  tri 
umph  in  the  matter  would  be  short-lived,  and  that, 
after  ending  our  war  successfully,  we  should  be  so 
powerful  that  we  could  call  her  to  account  for  all  the 
embarrassment  she  had  inflicted  upon  us.  I  felt  a 
good  deal  like  a  sick  man  in  Illinois,  who  was  told 
that  he  had  but  a  few  days  more  to  live  and  that  he 
ought  to  make  peace  with  his  enemies.  He  said  that 
the  man  he  hated  worst  of  all  was  a  fellow  in  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  221 

next  village  named  Brown,  and  he  guessed  he  had 
better  commence  on  him  first.  So  Brown  was  sent 
for  and  when  he  came,  the  sick  man  began  to  say,  in 
a  voice  as  meek  as  Moses,  that  he  wanted  to  die  at 
peace  with  all  his  fellow-creatures,  and  hoped  he  and 
Brown  could  now  shake  hands  and  bury  all  their 
enmity.  The  scene  was  becoming  altogether  too 
pathetic  for  Brown,  who  had  to  get  out  his  handker 
chief  and  wipe  the  gathering  tears  from  his  eyes.  It 
wasn't  long  before  he  melted  and  gave  his  hand  to 
his  neighbor  and  they  had  a  regular  love-feast.  After 
a  parting  that  would  have  softened  the  heart  of  a 
grindstone,  Brown  had  about  reached  the  door,  when 
the  sick  man  rose  upon  his  elbow  and  said,  *  But,  see 
here,  Brown,  if  I  should  happen  to  get  well,  mind, 
that  old  grudge  stands  ! '  So  I  thought  if  this  nation 
should  get  well  we  might  want  that  old  grudge 
against  England  to  stand." 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  that  embarrassed 
the  administration  was  the  lack  of  skillful  and  ener 
getic  commanders.  Soldiers  were  recruited  more 
rapidly  than  they  could  be  used,  but  it  was  necessary 
to  experiment  long,  and,  as  it  proved,  disastrously, 
with  untried  officers,  before  the  men  were  found  who 
were  qualified  to  lead  the  Union  army  on  to  victory. 
The  President  was  often  and  severely  criticised  for 
his  appointments  and  removals,  and  elements  of  dis 
cord  were  thus  introduced  which  threatened  to  bring 
on  a  national  calamity. 

That  thousands  of  precious  lives  were  lost  on 
account  of  unskillful  and  careless  leadership  is 
unquestionably  a  fact.  That  the  administration 
made  the  best  possible  use  of  the  inefficient  material 


222  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

at  hand  the  impartial  testimony  of  history  proves. 
The  story  of  General  McClellan's  career  is  well- 
known  and  has  been  the  subject  of  much  acrimonious 
discussion.  He  had  presented  to  him  magnificent 
opportunities  which  he  failed  to  take  advantage  of. 
While  he  succeeded  Scott  as  General  in  command, 
he  was  yet  inferior  in  rank  to  the  President,  who 
was  clothed  by  the  Constitution  with  the  power  of 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy.  Yet  he 
refused  to  heed  the  advice  of  his  superior  officer  and 
delayed  to  obey  his  commands  until  the  occasion 
which  had  called  them  forth  had  lost  its  significance. 
Again  and  again  he  permitted  the  enemy  to  make 
raids  into  Maryland,  and  carry  on  offensive  campaigns 
in  Virginia  without  making  an  effort  to  repulse  them 
though  he  had  a  splendid  army  under  his  command 
much  larger  and  more  efficient  than  that  of  the 
enemy.  His  constant  appeals  for  re-inforcements  ; 
his  ill-concealed  contempt  for  the  orders  of  the  Pres 
ident  and  Secretary  of  War  ;  his  inactivity  and  con 
stant  failure  to  make  use  of  the  armies  intrusted  to 
his  charge  and  his  jealousy  of  his  inferior  officers  are 
all  so  directly  at  variance  with  his  vehement  assevera 
tions  of  loyalty  and  love  of  his  country's  cause  as  to 
be  almost  inexplicable,  except  upon  the  grounds  of 
insincerity.  His  personality  was  attractive  and  his 
ability  was  generally  admitted.  Yet  his  ability  was 
not  of  the  kind  which  fitted  him  to  control  the  move 
ments  of  great  armies  or  to  direct  the  conduct  of  com 
plicated  campaigns.  Had  General  McClellan  never 
been  elevated  to  the  chief  command,  his  careerwould, 
no  doubt,  have  been  distinguished  and  his  rank  in 
history  second  to  that  of  none  of  the  minor  generals. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  223 

Many  of  the  peculiar  qualities  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
character  were  shown  in  his  dealings  with  General 
McClellan.  In  the  first  place,  McClellan  was  a  Dem 
ocrat  and  strongly  opposed  to  the  political  policy  of 
the  administration.  Yet  this  did  not  deter  the  Presi 
dent  from  appointing  him,  for  he  believed  him  to  be 
not  only  the  most  available  man  but  the  best  equipped 
in  every  way  for  the  position.  The  appointment  was 
not  a  popular  one  among  the  friends  of  the  adminis 
tration  but  as  long  as  it  was  evidently  for  the  good 
of  the  nation  the  President  was  little  moved  by  the 
complaints  of  his  friends,  and  long  after  General 
McClellan  had  proved  himself,  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  majority,  totally  unfit  for  the  position,  Mr.  Lin 
coln  continued  to  have  faith  in  him  and  did  his 
utmost  to  urge  him  on,  nor  did  he  withhold  his 
hearty  support  as  long  as  there  seemed  to  be  a  single 
chance  of  his  achieving  success.  Only  the  most  long- 
suffering  patience  would  have  ignored  his  sneers  and 
reproaches  or  his  persistent  disregard  of  orders. 

These  embarrassments  and  the  subsequent  failure 
of  a  number  of  generals  to  successfully  fill  the  re 
quirements  induced  Mr.  Lincoln  to  make  a  close 
study  of  the  science  of  war.  He  became  deeply  dis 
satisfied  with  the  lack  of  skill  and  energy  on  the  part 
of  the  commanders  and  of  progress  on  the  part  of 
the  armies  and  endeavored  to  infuse  something  of  his 
own  vigor  and  enthusiasm  into  the  hearts  of  his  sub 
ordinates.  The  metamorphosis  from  the  plain  coun 
try  lawyer  unversed  in  the  technical  details  of  either 
war  or  government  into  the  most  accomplished  ru.er 
and  commander  of  the  day,  was  one  to  which  history 
hardly  presents  a  parallel.  Slowly  he  gathered  up 


224  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  details  of  the  war  and  directed  the  multitudinous 
movements  in  the  various  departments  with  a  sagac 
ity,  wise  judgment  and  determination  which  finally 
brought  victory  out  of  impending  defeat  and  saved 
the  Union.  General  Keep  says  :  "  The  elements  of 
selfishness  and  ferocity,  which  are  not  unusual  with 
first-class  military  chiefs,  were  wholly  foreign  to  Mr. 
Lincoln's  nature.  Nevertheless,  there  was  not  one  of 
his  most  trusted  warlike  counsellors  in  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  who  equalled  him  in  military  sagacity." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

IT  is  an  old  saying  that  "  Circumstances  make  the 
man,"  and  it  is  also  true  that  man  impresses  much  of 
his  character  upon  his  surroundings.  As  the  foot  im 
prints  its  form  upon  the  sand,  man  impresses  his  char 
acter  upon  his  environment  and  moulds  it  to  the  pe 
culiarities  of  his  taste  and  temperament.  The  very 
rooms  in  which  a  man  of  affairs  does  his  work  will 
bear  the  stamp  of  his  activity  and  be  suggestive  of 
his  presence. 

This  was  true  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  an  unusual  degree. 
He  always  dressed  plainly  and  made  no  attempt  at 
personal  adornment.  The  conventional  garb  of  so 
ciety  sat  awkwardly  upon  his  long  gaunt  body.  He 
was  most  at  ease  when  most  simply  clad  and  was  al 
ways  glad  to  exchange  his  dress  suit  for  his  working 
clothes.  His  mind  seemed  to  be  far  above  the  petty 
details  of  dress  and  chafed  when  compelled  to  give 
attention  to  them. 

In  the  furnishing  of  his  house  his  tastes  were  equally 
simple.  The  old  kitchen,  where  the  whole  family 
were  wont  to  gather  around  the  fireplace  and  read  or 
work  by  the  bright  blaze,  was  to  him  the  most  com 
fortable  room  in  the  house. 

He  never  felt  at  home  in  the  broad  and  ornate 
rooms  of  the  White  House  and  spent  the  most  of  the 
time  in  his  office,  which  he  often  spoke  of  as  his  "work 
shop." 

("5) 


226  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Arnold  thus  describes  this  historic  room: 
"  It  was  about  25x40  feet  in  size.  In  the  centre  on 
the  west  was  a  large,  white  marble  fireplace,  with  big, 
old-fashioned  brass  andirons  and  a  large,  high  brass 
fender.  A  wood  fire  was  burning  in  cool  weather. 
The  large  windows  opened  upon  the  beautiful  lawn 
to  the  south  with  a  view  of  the  unfinished  Washing 
ton  Monument,  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  the  Poto 
mac,  Alexandria  and  down  the  river  towards  Mount 
Vernon.  Across  the  river  were  Arlington  Heights 
and  Arlington  House,  late  residence  of  Robert  E.  Lee. 
On  the  hills  around,  during  nearly  all  his  administra 
tion,  were  the  white  tents  of  soldiers  and  field  fortifi 
cations  and  camps,  and  in  every  direction  could  be 
seen  the  brilliant  colors  of  the  national  flag.  The 
furniture  of  this  room  consisted  of  a  large  oak  table, 
covered  with  cloth,  extending  north  and  south,  and  it 
was  around  this  table  that  the  Cabinet  sat  when  it 
held  its  meetings.  Near  the  end  of  the  table  and  be 
tween  the  windows  was  another  table,  on  the  west 
side  of  which  the  President  sat  in  a  large  arm-chair, 
and  at  this  table  he  wrote.  A  tall  desk  with  pigeon 
holes  for  papers  stood  against  the  south  wall.  The 
only  books  usually  found  in  this  room  were  the  Bible, 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  a  copy  of 
Shakespeare.  There  were  a  few  chairs  and  two  plain 
hair-covered  sofas.  There  were  two  or  three  map 
frames  from  which  hung  military  maps  on  which  the 
position  and  movements  of  the  armies  were  traced. 
There  was  an  old  and  discolored  engraving  of  Gen 
eral  Jackson  on  the  mantel  and  a  later  photograph  of 
John  Bright.  Doors  opened  into  this  room  from  the 
room  of  the  Secretary,  and  from  the  outside  hall  run- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  227 

ning  east  and  west  across  the  house.  A  bell-cord 
within  reach  of  his  hand  extended  to  the  Secretary's 
office.  A  messenger  stood  at  the  door  opening  from 
the  hall,  who  took  in  the  cards  and  names  of  the 
visitors.  Here  in  this  plain  room  Mr.  Lincoln  spent 
most  of  his  time  while  President.  Here  he  received 
every  one,  from  the  Chief  Justice  and  Lieutenant 
General  to  the  private  soldier  and  humblest  citizen. 
Custom  had  fixed  certain  rules  of  precedence  and  the 
order  in  which  official  visits  should  be  received.  Mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet  and  the  high  officers  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  were  generally  admitted  promptly.  Sen 
ators  and  Representatives  were  received  in  the  order 
of  their  arrival.  Sometimes  there  would  be  a  crowd 
of  Members  of  Congress  awaiting  their  turn.  While 
thus  waiting,  the  loud  ringing  laugh  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
—in  which  he  would  be  joined  by  those  inside,  but 
which  was  rather  provoking  to  those  outside — would 
be  heard  by  the  waiting  and  impatient  crowd.  Here, 
day  after  day,  from  early  morning  till  late  at  night, 
Lincoln  sat,  listened,  talked  and  decided.  He  was 
patient,  just,  considerate  and  hopeful.  The  people 
came  to  him  as  to  a  father.  He  saw  every  one,  and 
many  wasted  his  precious  time.  All  classes  ap 
proached  him  with  familiarity.  This  incessant  labor, 
the  study  of  the  great  problems  he  had  to  decide, 
the  worry  of  constant  importunity,  the  quarrels  of 
the  officers  of  the  army,  the  care,  anxiety  and  respon 
sibility  of  his  position,  wore  upon  his  vigorous  frame." 
Mr.  Deming  in  commenting  upon  his  personal  ap 
pearance,  says:  "  As  the  world  has  rung  with  ridi 
cule  of  the  ungainliness  of  his  manners,  I  may  be  per 
mitted  to  say,  that  without  any  pretensions  to  super- 


228  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN 

fine  polish,  they  were  frank,  cordial  and  dignified, 
without  rudeness,  without  offense  and  without  any 
violation  of  the  proprieties  and  etiquettes  of  his  high 
position.  To  borrow  one  of  his  own  conversational 
phrases, '  he  did  not  brag  on  deportment.'  He  stood 
and  moved  and  bowed  without  affectation,  and  with 
out  obtrusive  awkwardness,  pretty  much  as  nature 
prompted,  and  as  if  he  regarded  carriage  about  as 
bad  a  criterion  as  color,  of  the  genuine  nobility  of  the 
soul." 

The  White  House  was  constantly  thronged  with 
office-seekers,  men  and  women  with  complaints  or 
advice  to  proffer,  and  people  with  private  or  public 
business  to  transact,  until  the  weary  President  was 
hardly  given  time  to  attend  to  the  more  important 
demands  upon  him.  He  was  gentle  and  sympathetic 
with  those  in  trouble  and  quick  to  help,  if  possible. 
He  listened  patiently  to  honest  complaints,  but  was 
quick  to  detect  dishonesty  and  selfishness,  and  bitter 
and  scathing  in  his  denunciation  of  it. 

Among  the  callers  at  the  White  House,  one  day, 
was  an  officer  who  had  been  cashiered  from  the  serv 
ice.  He  had  prepared  an  elaborate  defense  of  him 
self,  which  he  consumed  much  time  in  reading  to  the 
President.  When  he  had  finished,  Mr.  Lincoln  replied 
that,  even  upon  his  own  statement  of  the  case,  the 
facts  would  not  warrant  Executive  interference.  Dis 
appointed  and  considerably  crestfallen,  the  man 
withdrew. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  he  made  a  second  attempt 
to  alter  the  President's  convictions,  going  over  sub 
stantially  the  same  ground,  and  occupying  about  the 
same  space  of  time,  but  without  accomplishing  his  end. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  229 

The  third  time  he  succeeded  in  forcing  himself  into 
Mr.  Lincoln's  presence,  who,  with  great  forbearance, 
listened  to  another  repetition  of  the  case  to  its  con 
clusion,  but  made  no  reply.  Waiting  for  a  moment, 
the  man  gathered  from  the  expression  of  his  counte 
nance  that  his  mind  was  unconvinced.  Turning  very 
abruptly,  he  said:  "Well,  Mr.  President,  I  see  you  are 
fully  determined  not  to  do  me  justice  !  " 

This  was  too  aggravating,  even  for  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Manifesting,  however,  no  more  feeling  than  that 
indicated  by  a  slight  compression  of  the  lips,  he 
very  quietly  arose,  laid  down  a  package  of  papers  he 
held  in  his  hand,  and  then  suddenly  seizing  the  de 
funct  officer  by  the  coat-collar,  he  marched  him 
forcibly  to  the  door,  saying,  as  he  ejected  him  into  the 
passage  : 

"  Sir,  I  give  you  fair  warning  never  to  show  your 
self  in  this  room  again.  I  can  bear  censure,  but  not 
insult!" 

In  a  whining  tone,  the  man  begged  for  his  papers, 
which  he  had  dropped. 

"  Begone,  sir,"  said  the  President.  "  Your  papers 
will  be  sent  to  you.  I  never  want  to  see  your  face 
again!"1 

In  February,  1862,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  visited  by  a 
severe  affliction,  in  the  death  of  his  beloved  son, 
Willie,  and  the  extreme  illness  of  his  son,  Thomas, 
familiarly  known  as  "  Tad."  This  was  a  new  burden, 
and  the  visitation  which,  in  his  firm  faith  in  Provi 
dence,  he  regarded  as  Providential,  was  also  inexpli-  / 
cable.  A  Christian  lady  from  Massachusetts,  who  was 


Lincoln's  Stories,  by  T.  B.  McClure. 


230  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

officiating  as  nurse  in  one  of  the  hospitals,  at  the  time, 
came  to  attend  the  sick  children.  She  reports  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  watched  with  her  about  the  bedside  of 
the  sick  ones,  and  that  he  often  walked  the  room, 
saying,  sadly: 

"  This  is  the  hardest  trial  of  my  life  ;  why  is  it  ? 
why  is  it?" 

In  the  course  of  conversation  with  her,  he  ques 
tioned  her  concerning  her  situation.  She  told  him 
that  she  was  a  widow,  and  that  her  husband  and  two 
children  were  in  heaven  ;  and  added  that  she  saw  the 
hand  of  God  in  it  all,  and  that  she  had  never  loved 
Him  so  much  before  as  she  had  since  her  affliction. 

"How  is  that  brought  about?"  inquired  Mr.  Lin 
coln. 

"  Simply  by  trusting  in  God,  and  feeling  that  he 
does  all  things  well,"  she  replied. 

"Did  you  submit  fully  under  the  first  loss?"  he 
asked. 

"  No,"  she  answered,  "  not  wholly  ;  but,  as  blow 
came  upon  blow,  and  all  were  taken,  I  could  and  did 
submit,  and  was  very  happy." 

He  responded :  "  I  am  glad  to  hear  you  say  that. 
Your  experience  will  help  me  to  bear  my  affliction." 
On  being  assured  that  many  Christians  were  praying 
for  him,  on  the  morning  of  the  funeral,  he  wiped 
away  the  tears  that  sprang  in  his  eyes,  and  said:  "  I 
am  glad  to  hear  that.  I  want  them  to  pray  for  me.  I 
need  their  prayers."  As  he  was  going  out  to  the 
burial,  the  good  lady  expressed  her  sympathy  with 
him.  He  thanked  her  gently,  and  said,  "  I  will  try  to 
go  to  God  with  my  sorrows."  A  few  days  afterwards, 
she  asked  him  if  he  could  trust  God.  He  replied  : 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  231 

"  I  think  I  can,  and  I  will  try.  I  wish  I  had  that 
childlike  faith  you  speak  of,  and  I  trust  He  will  give 
it  to  me."  And  then  he  spoke  of  his  mother,  whom 
so  many  years  before  he  had  committed  to  the  dust 
among  the  wilds  of  Indiana.  In  this  hour  of  his  great 
trial,  the  memory  of  her  who  had  held  him  upon  her 
bosom,  and  soothed  his  childish  griefs,  came  back  to 
him  with  tenderest  recollections.  "I  remember  her 
prayers,"  said  he,  "and  they  have  always  followed 
me.  They  have  clung  to  me  all  my  life." 

He  received  a  great  many  visits  from  men  who 
came  to  criticise  his  actions  and  offer  him  gratuitous 
advice  in  regard  to  matters  wherein  they  believed 
themselves  to  be  better  qualified  to  judge  than  he. 
One  day,  a  number  of  gentlemen  called  who  were 
greatly  excited  ove  what  they  believed  to  be  the 
shortcomings  of  the  administration.  He  listened 
patiently  to  them,  and,  in  reply,  said  : 

"  Gentlemen,  suppose  all  the  property  you  were 
worth  was  in  gold,  and  you  had  put  it  in  the  hands  of 
Blondin  to  carry  across  the  Niagara  River  on  a  rope  ; 
would  you  shake  the  cable,  or  keep  shouting  out  to 
him:  'Blondin,  stand  up  a  little  straighter  !  Blon 
din,  stoop  a  little  more — go  a  little  faster — lean  a 
little  more  to  the  north — lean  a  little  more  to  the 
south.'  No,  you  would  hold  your  breath  as  well  as 
your  tongue,  and  keep  your  hands  off  until  he  was 
safe  over.  The  Government  is  carrying  an  immense 
weight.  Untold  treasures  are  in  their  hands.  They 
are  doing  the  very  best  they  can.  Don't  badger  them. 
Keep  silence  and  we  will  get  you  safely  across." 

Many  people  came  to  him  asking  for  information 
which  it  was  often  not  proper  or  possible  for  him  ta 


232  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

give.  He  had  a  very  effective  way  of  dealing  with 
such  people.  A  visitor  once  asked  him  how  many 
men  the  Confederates  had  in  the  field.  The  President 
answered,  very  seriously,  "  Twelve  hundred  thousand, 
according  to  the  best  authority."  The  questioner 
was  thunderstruck,  for  everything  about  the  Presi 
dent's  manner  indicated  that  he  was  in  earnest.  "  Yes, 
sir,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  twelve  hundred  thousand — 
no  doubt  of  it.  You  see,  all  of  our  generals,  when 
they  get  whipped,  say  the  enemy  outnumbered  them, 
from  three  or  five  to  one,  and  I  must  believe  them. 
We  have  four  hundred  thousand  men  in  the  field,  and 
three  times  four  makes  twelve.  Don't  you  see  ? " 

After  the  appearance  of  the  rebel  ram  Merrimac  in 
1862,  the  President  was  waited  upon  by  fifty  gentle 
men  from  New  York  who  informed  him  that  they 
represented  in  their  own  right  $100,000,000  and  who 
were  greatly  alarmed  at  the  comparatively  defense 
less  condition  of  New  York.  After  magnifying  as 
much  as  possible,  the  cause  of  their  apprehension, 
they  requested  that  a  gunboat  be  detailed  for  the 
defense  of  the  city.  Mr.  Lincoln  listened  very  atten 
tively  to  their  statements  and  seemed  much  impressed 
by  them.  When  they  had  finished,  he  replied,  very 
deliberately  : 

"  Gentlemen,  I  am  by  the  Constitution  Comman- 
der-in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States  ;  and,  as  a  matter  of  law,  can  order  anything 
done  that  is  practicable  to  be  done.  But,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  fact,  I  am  not  in  command  of  the  gunboats  or 
ships  of  war  ;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  I  do  not  know 
exactly  where  they  are,  but  presume  they  are  actively 
engaged.  It  is  impossible  for  me,  in  the  present  con- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  233 

dition  of  things,  to  furnish  you  a  gunboat.  The 
credit  of  the  Government  is  at  a  very  low  ebb  ; 
greenbacks  are  not  worth  more  than  forty  or  fifty 
cents  on  the  dollar  ;  and  in  this  condition  of  things, 
if  I  was  worth  half  as  much  as  you  gentlemen  are 
represented  to  be,  and  as  badly  frightened  as  you 
seem  to  be,  I  would  build  a  gunboat  and  give  it  to 
the  Government." 

One  day  in  the  spring  of  1862,  a  gentlemen  made 
a  very  earnest  request  for  a  pass  to  Richmond.  "  A 
pass  to  Richmond,"  exclaimed  the  President,  "  why, 
my  dear  sir,  if  I  should  give  you  one  it  would  do  you 
no  good.  You  may  think  it  very  strange,  but  there's 
a  lot  of  fellows  between  here  and  Richmond,  who 
either  can't  read  or  are  prejudiced  against  every  man 
who  totes  a  pass  from  me.  I  have  given  McClellan 
and  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  others  passes 
to  Richmond,  and  not  a  single  one  of  them  has  gotten 
there  yet." 

Although  of  a  sensitive  disposition,  Mr.  Lincoln 
never  permitted  himself  to  be  disturbed  by  violent 
criticism  or  denunciation.  To  show  how  much  atten 
tion  he  paid  to  the  attacks  made  upon  him,  he  once 
told  the  following  story  : 

"  Some  years  ago/'  said  he,  "  a  couple  of  immigrants 
fresh  from  the  'Emerald  Isle,' seeking  labor,  were 
making  their  way  towards  the  West.  Coming  sud 
denly  one  evening  upon  a  pond  of  water,  they  were 
greeted  with  a  grand  chorus  of  bull-frogs — a  kind 
of  music  they  had  never  before  heard.  Overcome 
with  terror,  they  clutched  their  *  shillalahs,'  and 
crept  cautiously  forward,  straining  their  eyes  in 
every  direction  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  enemy  ;  but 


234         -  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

he  was  not  to  be  found.  At  last  a  happy  idea  seized 
the  foremost  one — he  sprang  to  his  companion  and 
exclaimed,  '  An' sure,  Jamie,  it's  my  opinion  it's  noth 
ing  but  a  noise.'  " 

On  one  occasion,  while  a  great  battle  was  being 
fought  and  he  was  waiting  anxiously  for  news,  he 
entered  the  room  where  a  Christian  lady  was  engaged 
in  nursing  a  member  of  the  family,  looking  worn  and 
haggard  and  saying  he  was  so  anxious  that  he  could 
eat  nothing.  The  possibility  of  defeat  depressed  him 
greatly  ;  but  the  lady  told  him  that  he  must  have 
faith,  and  that  h?  could  at  least  pray.  "  Yes,"  said 
;  he,  and  taking  up  a  Bible  he  started  to  his  room. 
Shortly  afterwards  a  telegram  was  received  announc 
ing  a  victory.  He  immediately  re-entered  the  room, 
his  face  beaming  with  joy  and  said  :  "  Good  news  ! 
Good  news  !  The  victory  is  ours,  and  God  is  good." 

"  Nothing  like  prayer,"  suggested  the  pious  lady, 
who  believed  the  news  to  be  the  direct  result  of  the 
prayer. 

"  Yes  there  is,"  he  replied — "  praise — prayer  and 
praise." 

The  lady  afterwards  said  :  "  I  do  believe  he  was  a 
true  Christian,  though  he  had  very  little  confidence 
in  himself." 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

WHEN  the  Southern  States  decided  upon  secession, 
they  staked  the  institution  of  slavery  upon  the  result 
of  the  war.  If  they  were  to  be  victorious  it  was  their 
purpose  to  found  a  slave  republic.  If  they  were 
defeated  the  penalty  could  be  nothing  less  than  its 
abolition,  how  much  more — they  hardly  realized. 
Many  eager  Sprits  of  the  North  felt  that  the  issue 
should  be  squarely  met  and  decided  at  once  and  they 
called  upon  the  President  to  issue  an  emancipation 
edict  without  delay.  As  time  passed  on  and  the 
course  of  the  war  seemed  to  be  unfavorable  to  the 
national  cause,  the  demand  became  stronger  that 
the  President  should  make  the  issue  a  distinctive  one 
between  slavery  and  freedom.  Not  only  was  he  con 
stantly  beset  with  advice  and  entreaty  and  sometimes 
with  a  vehemence  which  almost  changed  the  prayers 
to  threats,  but  a  number  of  strong,  influential  Repub 
lican  papers  began  to  reproach  him  for  his  hesitancy 
which  some  went  so  far  as  to  denominate  moral  cow 
ardice. 

No  Republican  paper  took  a  more  decided  stand  or 
found  more  fault  with  Mr.  Lincoln  on  this  score  than 
the  New  York  Tribune.  Mr.  Greeley  was,  beyond 
question,  a  true  patriot,  and  had  the  best  interests  of 
the  country,  as  he  conceived  them,  at  heart.  Both 
his  disposition  and  environment  were  peculiar.  He 

(235) 


236  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

had  always  been  in  favor  of  Abolition  and  he  seems 
now  to  have  become  convinced  that  the  affairs  of  the 
country  were  faring  ill  and  that  its  only  salvation  con 
sisted  in  creating  a  moral  issue,  which  would  rally  to 
its  support  all  right-minded  patriots.  He  manifested 
both  impatience  and  petulance  at  the  course  of  the 
President  and  strove  in  every  way  to  compel  hiim  to 
adopt  his  own  views.  But  Mr.  Lincoln's  perceptions 
were  much  clearer  than  those  of  Mr.  Greeley,  and  his 
judgment  calmer.  He  listened  patiently  and  atten 
tively  but  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  change  his 
policy  against  his  own  judgment  and  more  clearly 
than  any-one  else  could,  did  he  apprehend  the  part 
which  he  was  to  play  in  the  great  drama.  His  duty 
was  not  to  be  guided  by  the  dictates  of  sentiment, 
however  elevated,  nor  to  preserve  one  institution  and 
overthrow  another.  He  realized  that  he  was  the 
representative  of  the  soverign  people  and  that  his 
powers  and  privileges  were  strictly  defined  by  a  most 
solemn  obligation,  which  he  had  voluntarily  taken 
upon  himself  and  he  summoned  all  the  strength  of 
his  resolution  to  his  aid  to  keep  inviolate  his  oath  of 
office.  He  had  solemnly  sworn  to  preserve  the  Con 
stitution  and  this  meant  the  perpetuation  of  the  Gov 
ernment  and  the  uninvaded  rights  of  the  people. 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Greeley  in  reply  to  one  ungener 
ously  chiding  him,  he  stated  clearly  his  views  upon 
this  subject,  as  follows  : 

"...  As  to  the  policy  '  I  seem  to  be  pursuing '  as 

?  you  say, '  I  have  not  meant  to  leave  any  one  in  doubt.' 
I  would  save  the  Union.     I  would  save  it  in  the  short- 

•   est   way   under   the    Constitution.     The  sooner  the 
national  authority   can   be  restored  the    sooner   the 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  237 

Union  will  be — the  Union  as  it  was.  If  there  be 
those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they 
could  at  the  same  time  save  slavery,  I  do  not  agree 
with  them.  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save 
the  Union  unless  they  could,  at  the  same  time,  destroy 
slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them.  My  paramount 
object  is  to  save  the  Union  and  not  either  to  save  or 
destroy  slavery.  If  I  could  save  the  Union  without 
freeing  a  slave  I  would  do  it.  And  if  I  could  do  it 
by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would  do  it.  And  if  I 
could  do  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving  others  alone, 
I  would  also  do  that.  What  I  do  about  slavery  and 
the  colored  race,  I  do  because  I  believe  it  helps  to 
save  the  Union  and  what  I  forbear,  I  forbear  because 
I  do  not  believe  it  would  help  to  save  the  Union.  I 
shall  do  less,  whenever  I  believe  what  I  am  doing 
hurts  the  cause,  and  shall  do  more  whenever  I  believe 
doing  more  will  help  the  cause." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  position  on  this  question  can  only  be 
fully  understood  in  the  light  of  the  circumstances  by 
which  he  was  surrounded.  It  had  been  his  policy, 
persistently  maintained,  to  retain  in  the  Union,  so  far 
as  possible,  the  border  States,  at  a  time  when  the 
Union  and  secession  elements  nearly  balanced  each 
other.  In  the  most  of  these  States,  slavery  was  a 
recognized  institution  and  any  intimation  from  the 
President  that  he  proposed  to  interfere  with  it,  would 
have  precipitated  them  into  immediate  secession.  In 
the  Northern  States  there  was  far  from  an  united 
sentiment  in  favor  of  immediate  emancipation.  A 
large  party  were  opposed  to  it,  partly  upon  principle 
and  partly  because  they  believed  the  proper  time  had 
not  arrived.  Hence  any  precipitate  movement  in  this 


238  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

direction  would  have  alarmed  and  perhaps  alienated 
many  active  supporters  at  a  time  when  the  Govern 
ment  was  most  in  need  of  support  from  every  one  of 
its  loyal  citizens.  But  perhaps  the  most  potent  in 
fluence  acting  in  the  mind  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  that  of 
the  high  principle  upon  which  the  war  was  being 
fought.  If  slavery  were  made  the  issue,  in  either 
event  of  the  struggle,  the  great  constitutional  ques 
tion  would  remain  unsettled  and  at  some  future  time 
another  sectional  dispute  might  once  more  array 
different  portions  of  the  nation  against  each  other  in 
armed  conflict.  By  making  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  the  one  great  issue  and  subordinating  all  other 
questions,  however  vital  to  it,  the  conflict  once  fought 
would  be  forever  finished  and  no  difference  of  interest 
or  opinion  could  ever  renew  it  again.  It  was  fortu 
nate  for  the  country  that  the  man  in  the  Presidential 
chair  had  a  mind  sufficiently  broad  to  grasp  fully  the 
situation,  and  a  purpose  sufficiently  fixed  to  stick 
closely  to  the  one  great  principle  unmoved  by  all  the 
influences  that  could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  him. 

The  experiment  of  military  emancipation  had  been 
tried  early  in  the  war.  When,  in  the  midst  of  the 
struggle  to  retain  Missouri  in  the  Union,  General 
Fremont  had  been  placed  in  command  of  that  mili 
tary  department,  almost  his  first  important  step  was 
to  issue  an  order  declaring  all  slaves  held  in  that  dis 
trict  to  be  free.  The  proclamation  would  probably 
have  lost  Missouri  to  the  Union  had  -not  the  Presi 
dent  promptly  annulled  it  and  forbidden  the  issuance 
of  a  similar  order  in  the  future  without  his  own 
express  consent.  It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  the 
details  of  the  controversy  with  General  Fremont, 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  239 

which  excited  so  much  ill-feeling  at  the  time  and  led 
many  to  believe  that  the  distinguished  General  had 
not  met  with  generous  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the 
President.  Succeeding  events  proved  that  the  policy 
of  the  President  was  not  a  selfish  or  vindictive  one. 

In  March,  1862,  Mr.  Lincoln  transmitted  a  special 
message  to  Congress  in  which  he  recommended  the 
adoption  of  a  system  of  general  emancipation.  He 
proposed  that  the  Government  should  take  measures 
to  co-operate  with  any  State,  which  should  adopt 
gradual  abolition  of  slavery  and  to  reimburse  it  in 
part  for  any  public  or  private  loss  accruing  from  such 
a  measure.  He  earnestly  recommended  that  Con 
gress  take  the  matter  into  immediate  consideration. 
April  16  a  bill  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress  abol 
ishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  This 
measure  had  been  first  proposed  in  Congress  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  himself  in  1849.  It  was  then  passed  over  as 
unworthy  of  consideration,  but  now,  as  President,  he 
had  the  satisfaction  of  enrolling  it  among  the  laws  of 
the  land. 

That  a  great  revolution  was  taking  place  in  public 
opinion  was  shown  by  the  constantly  increasing  bold 
ness  of  Congress  and  its  progress  towards  the  final 
step.  June  19  slavery  was  prohibited  forever  in  all 
present  and  future  Territories  of  the  United  States. 
Thus  the  question,  which  had  so  often  divided  Con 
gress  and  formed  political  issues,  which  had  been 
ably  debated  upon  every  platform  in  the  land  and 
which  had  figured  as  the  animus  of  the  Lincoln- 
Douglas  debates,  was  finally  and  forever  settled. 
Had  Douglas  used  his  great  ability  and  commanding 
eloquence  to  prevent  rather  than  to  favor  the  repeal 


240  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  appeal  to  arms 
might  never  have  occurred  and  the  vexed  question 
might  have  been  settled  by  natural  rather  than  by 
violent  agencies. 

July  17  a  bill  was  passed  authorizing  the  employ 
ment  of  negroes  as  soldiers  and  conferring  freedom 
upon  all  who  should  regularly  enlist  in  the  army. 
Since  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  camps  of  the 
Union  forces  had  been  beset  by  hordes  of  fugitive 
slaves,  who  believed  that  their  only  hope  of  freedom 
and  safety  consisted  in  getting  under  the  shadow  of 
the  "  Stars  and  Stripes  "  as  soon  as  possible.  They 
frequently  came  in  such  numbers  as  to  seriously 
embarrass  the  movements  of  the  army,  and  the  ques 
tion  of  their  disposition  became  a  grave  problem. 
The  bare  suggestion  that  they  would  be  enrolled  in 
the  Federal  Armies,  threw  the  Southern  States  into 
the  most  violent  rage.  Scathing  were  the  denuncia 
tions  hurled  against  the  Government  that  should  dare 
to  take  such  a  step.  Rumors  of  slave  insurrections 
and  the  horrible  scenes  attendant  upon  them  spread 
far  and  wide.  The  rebel  leaders  proclaimed  that  no 
white  officer  connected  with  colored  troops  would  be 
treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  if  captured,  but  -would 
be  shot  upon  the  spot.  These  threats  and  denuncia 
tions  did  not  deter  the  Government  from  inaugura 
ting  the  measure  nor  skillful  officers  from  taking  com 
mand  of  colored  regiments.  The  negroes  afterwards 
proved  themselves  good  and  faithful  soldiers  and  the 
equal  of  their  white  brethren  in  bravery  and  daring. 
And  so  greatly  did  the  Southern  sentiment  change 
that  long  before  the  close  of  the  war  many  negroes 
were  regularly  enlisted  into  the  Confederate  armies. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  241 

Meantime,  in  the  North,  public  sentiment  was 
becoming  more  firmly  fixed  in  favor  of  emancipation. 
And  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  the  President 
became  increasingly  strong.  Many  delegations 
visited  him  and  frequently  with  ill-timed  arguments 
sought  to  induce  him  to  proclaim  freedom  to  all 
slaves.  Among  them  was  a  Quaker  delegation,  the 
spokesman  of  which  seemed  to  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
unfairly  criticise  him,  and  he  replied  somewhat 
sharply  and  was  just  on  the  point  of  dismissing  the 
visitors,  when  one  of  the  women  requested  permission 
to  detain  him  with  a  few  words.  Her  remarks  con 
tained  a  plea  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slave, 
urging  that  he  was  the  appointed  minister  of  the  Lord 
to  do  this  work,  and  she  enforced  her  argument  with 
many  Scriptural  quotations.  At  the  close  he  asked  : 

"Has  the  Friend  finished?"  And,  receiving  an 
affirmative  answer,  he  said  :  "  I  have  neither  time  nor 
disposition  to  enter  into  discussion  with  the  Friend 
and  end  this  occasion  by  suggesting  for  her  con 
sideration  the  question  whether,  if  the  Lord  has 
appointed  me  to  do  this  work,  it  is  not  probable  he 
would  have  communicated  knowledge  of  the  fact  to 
me  as  well  as  to  her." 

It  is  certain  that  he  had  long  been  earnestly  and 
prayerfully  considering  the  question.  To  him  it  was 
the  most  momentous  step  of  his  life  and  the  one 
fraught  with  the  greatest  personal  consequences. 
After  the  proclamation  was  issued,  he  said  to  a 
friend  :  "  As  affairs  have  turned,  it  is  the  central  act  of 
my  administration  and  the  great  event  of  the  nine 
teenth  century." 

Moses  had  led  out  from  bondage  two  millions  of 


242  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Hebrews,  guided  by  the  hand  of  God.  Lincoln's 
task  was  no  less  God-given,  and  he  waited  anxiously 
for  the  pillar  of  cloud  to  lead  the  way.  And  as 

''Moses  never  entered  into  the    promised    land,  so  he 
(.seems  to  have  had  a  presentiment  that  he  should  not 

•  live  to  see  the  results  of  emancipation.  He  still 
clung  to  the  idea  of  gradual  and  compensated  eman 
cipation.  In  speaking  to  a  number  of  Congressmen 
from  the  border  States  in  July,  he  said  :  "  I  intend  no 
reproach  or  complaint  when  I  assure  you  that,  in  my 
opinion,  if  you  had  all  voted  for  the  resolution  in  my 
gradual  emancipation  message  of  last  March,  the  war 
would  now  be  substantially  ended.  ...  I  do  not 
speak  of  an  emancipation  at  once  but  of  a  decision  to 
emancipate  gradually." 

To  Mr.  Channing,  who  visited  him  in  this  trying 
time  and  spoke  warmly  in  favor  of  the  measure,  he 
said  :  "  When  the  hour  comes  for  dealing  with  slavery, 
I  trust  I  shall  be  willing  to  do  my  duty,  though  it 
costs  my  life.  And,  gentlemen,  lives  will  be  lost." 

It  is  evident  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  early  in  the  summer 
of  1862,  had  made  up  his  mind  to  take  the  decisive 
step,  and  that  he  was  only  waiting  for  the  right  time 
to  come.  Not  long  before  he  had  said  to  a  Southern 
Unionist,  who  had  warned  him  against  meddling  with 
slavery  :  "  You  must  not  expect  me  to  give  up  this 

: Government  without  playing  the  last  card."  And 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  last  card  was  emanci 
pation.  In  September  a  number  of  Chicago  clergymen 
visited  him  to  urge  upon  him  the  immediate  issuance 
of  an  emancipation  proclamation.  In  the  course  of 
his  reply  to  their  address,  he  said  :  "  I  do  not  wish  to 
issue  a  document  that  the  whole  world  will  see  must 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  243 

necessarily  be  inoperative,  like  the  Pope's  bull  against 
the  comet.  .  .  .  Do  not  misunderstand  me,  because  I 
have  mentioned  these  objections.  They  indicate  the 
difficulties  which  have  thus  far  prevented  my  action 
in  some  such  way  as  you  desire.  I  have  not  decided 
against  a  proclamation  of  liberty  to  the  slaves,  but 
hold  the  matter  under  advisement.  And  I  can  assure 
you  that  the  subject  is  on  my  mind,  by  day  and 
night,  more  than  any  other.  Whatever  shall  appear 
to  be  God's  will  I  will  do." 

The  following  interesting  account  of  the  circum 
stances  attending  the  preparation  and  issue  of  the 
proclamation  was  given  by  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  to 
Mr.  Carpenter,  who  was  engaged  upon  a  painting  of 
Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet  discussing  the  proclamation, 
as  representing  the  new  epoch  in  the  national  history. 
Said  Mr.  Lincoln: 

"  It  had  got  to  be  mid-summer,  1862.  Things  had 
gone  on  from  bad  to  worse,  until  I  felt  that  we  had 
reached  the  end  of  our  rope  on  the  plan  of  operations 
we  had  been  pursuing;  that  we  had  about  played  our 
last  card,  and  must  change  our  tactics  or  lose  the 
game.  I  now  determined  upon  the  adoption  of  the 
emancipation  policy,  and  without  consultation  with 
or  the  knowledge  of  the  Cabinet,  I  prepared  the 
original  draft  of  the  proclamation  and,  after  much 
anxious  thought,  called  a  Cabinet  meeting  on  the 
subject.  This  was  the  last  of  July  or  the  first  part 
of  the  month  of  August,  1862.  I  said  to  the  Cabinet 
that  I  had  resolved  upon  this  step,  and  had  not  called 
them  together  to  ask  their  advice,  but  to  lay  the  sub 
ject  matter  of  the  proclamation  before  them;  sugges 
tions  as  to  which  would  be  in  order  after  they  had 


244  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

heard  it  read.  Mr.  Lovejoy,"  said  he,  "  was  in  error 
when  he  informed  you  that  it  excited  no  comment, 
excepting  on  the  part  of  Secretary  Seward.  Various 
suggestions  were  offered.  Secretary  Chase  wished 
the  language  stronger  in  reference  to  the  arming  of  the 
blacks.  Mr.  Blair,  after  he  came  in,  deprecated  the 
policy,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  cost  the  adminis 
tration  the  Fall  elections.  Nothing,  however,  was 
offered  that  I  had  not  already  fully  anticipated  and 
settled  in  my  own  mind,  until  Secretary  Seward  spoke. 
He  said  in  substance,  'Mr.  President,  I  approve  of  the 
proclamation,  but  I  question  the  expediency  of  its 
issue  at  this  juncture.  The  depression  of  the  public 
mind,  consequent  upon  our  repeated  reverses,  is  so 
great  that  I  fear  the  effect  of  so  important  a  step.  It 
may  be  viewed  as  the  last  measure  of  an  exhausted 
Government,  a  cry  for  help;  the  Government  stretch 
ing  forth  its  hands  to  Ethiopia,  instead  of  Ethiopia 
/  stretching  forth  her  hands  to  the  Government.'  His 
[  idea,'*  said  the  President,  "was  that  it  would  be  con- 
\  sidered  our  last  shriek,  on  the  retreat."  (This  was  his 
precise  expression.) 

"'Now,'  continued  Mr.  Seward,  'while  I  approve 
of  the  measure,  I  suggest,  sir,  that  you  postpone  its 
issue,  until  you  can  give  it  to  the  country  supported 
by  military  success  instead  of  issuing  it,  as  would  be 
the  case  now,  upon  the  greatest  disasters  of  the 
war!'"  Mr.  Lincoln  continued:  "The  wisdom  of 
the  view  of  the  Secretary  of  State  struck  me  with 
very  great  force.  It  was  an  aspect  of  the  case  that, 
in  all  my  thought  upon  the  subject,  I  had  entirely 
overlooked.  The  result  was  that  I  put  the  draft  of 
the  proclamation  aside,  waiting  for  a  victory.  From 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  245 

time  to  time  I  added  or  changed  a  line,  touching  it 
up  here  and  there,  anxiously  watching  the  progress 
of  events.  Well,  the  next  news  we  had  was  of  Pope's 
disaster  at  Bull  Run.  Things  looked  darker  than 
ever.  Finally,  came  the  week  of  the  battle  of  Antie- 
tam.  I  determined  to  wait  no  longer.  The  news 
came,  I  think,  on  Wednesday,  that  the  advantage  was 
on  our  side.  I  was  then  staying  at  the  Soldiers' 
Home  (three  miles  out  of  Washington).  Here  I  fin 
ished  writing  the  second  draft  of  the  preliminary  proc 
lamation  ;  came  up  on  Saturday  ;  called  the  Cabinet 
together  to  hear  it,  and  it  was  published  the  follow 
ing  Monday." 

At  the  final   meeting  of  September  20,  another  in 
teresting  incident  occurred  in   connection  with  Secre 
tary  Seward.     The  President  had  written  the  impor 
tant  part  of  the  proclamation  in  these  words:    "That, 
on  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
one  thousand  eight  hundred   and  sixty-three,  all  per 
sons  held  as  slaves,  within  any  State  or  designated 
part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in 
rebellion    against  the   United   States,  shall  be  then, 
thenceforward  and  forever  free  ;  and  the   Executive 
Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  mil 
itary  and  naval  authority  thereof,  will  recognize  the 
freedom  of  such  persons,  and  will  do  no  act  or  acts 
to  repress  such  persons,  or  any  of  them,  in  any  efforts 
they  may  make  for  their  actual  freedom."     "When  I 
finished  reading  this   paragraph,"  resumed  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  "Mr.  Seward  stopped  me,  and  said, '  I  think,  Mr. 
President,  that  you  should  insert  after  the  word  "rec 
ognized,"  in  that   sentence,    the  words  "  and   main 
tain.'  "     I  replied  that  I  had  already  fully  considered 


246  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  import  of  that  expression,  in  this  connection,  but 
I  had  not  introduced  it,  because  it  was  not  my  way  to 
promise  what  I  was  not  entirely  sure  that  I  could  per 
form,  and  I  was  not  prepared  to  say  that  I  thought 
we  were  exactly  able  to  '  maintain'  this." 

"  But,"  said  he,  "  Seward  insisted  that  we  ought  to 
take  this  ground;  and  the  words  finally  went  in  !  "  "It 
is  a  somewhat  remarkable  fact,"  he  subsequently  re 
marked,  "that  there  were  just  one  hundred  days  be 
tween  the  dates  of  the  two  proclamations,  issued  on 
the  twenty-second  of  September  and  the  first  of  Jan 
uary.  I  had  not  made  the  calculation  at  the  time." 

In  the  preliminary  proclamation  he  reiterated  his 
intention  to  prosecute  the  war  for  the  purpose  of  re 
storing  the  constitutional  union  between  the  United 
States  and  each  of  the  States  and  people  thereof, 
in  which  States  that  relation  is  or  may  be  suspended. 
He  affirmed  his  purpose  to  again  recommend  to  Con 
gress,  at  its  next  meeting,  the  adoption  of  a  practical 
measure  "  tendering  pecuniary  aid  to  the  free  accept 
ance  or  rejection  of  all  slave  States,  so-called,  the 
people  whereof,  may  not  then  be  in  rebellion  against 
the  United  States,  and  which  States  may  then  have 
voluntarily  adopted,  or  thereafter  may  voluntarily 
adopt,  immediate  or  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery 
within  their  respective  limits;  and  that  the  effort  to 
colonize  persons  of  African  descent,  with  their  con 
sent,  upon  this  continent  or  elsewhere,  with  the  pre 
viously  obtained  consent  of  the  governments  existing 
there,  will  be  continued." 

In  his  second  annual  message  transmitted  to  Con 
gress  in  December,  1862,  Mr.  Lincoln  thus  feelingly  re 
ferred  to  the  subject  of  the  emancipation  about  to  be 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  247 

consummated  by  Presidential  decree:  "The  dogmas 
of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  pres 
ent.  The  occasion  is  piled  high  with  difficulty  and 
we  must  rise  to  the  occasion.  As  our  case  is  new,  so 
we  must  think  anew  and  act  anew.  Fellow-citizens, 
we  cannot  escape  history.  We  of  this  Congress  and 
of  this  administration  will  be  remembered  in  spite  of 
ourselves.  No  personal  significance  or  insignificance 
can  spare  one  or  another  of  us.  The  fiery  trial  through 
which  we  pass  will  light  us  down,  in  honor  or  dis 
honor,  to  the  latest  generation.  We  say  we  are  for 
the  Union.  The  world  will  not  forget  that  we  say 
this.  We  know  how  to  save  the  Union.  The  world 
knows  we  do  know  how  to  save  it.  We — even  we 
here — hold  the  power  and  bear  the  responsibility.  In 
giving  freedom  to  the  slave,  we  assure  freedom  to  the 
free — honorable,  alike,  in  what  we  give  and  what  we 
preserve.  We  shall  nobly  save,  or  meanly  lose,  the 
last,  best  hope  of  earth.  Other  means  may  succeed, 
this  could  not  fail.  The  way  is  plain,  peaceful,  gen 
erous,  just — a  way,  which,  if  followed,  the  world  will 
forever  applaud  and  God  will  forever  bless." 

The  final  proclamation  was  issued  January  i,  1863, 
and  was  a  document  which  will  ever  live  in  history 
and  occupy  the  most  honorable  place  in  the  na 
tion's  annals.  After  quoting  some  sections  from  the 
preliminary  proclamation  and  designating,  in  detail, 
the  revolted  districts  to  which  the  proclamation  should 
apply,  Mr.  Lincoln  proceeds  as  follows:  "And  by 
virtue  of  the  power  and  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  I 
do  order  and  declare  that  all  persons  held  as  slaves, 
within  designated  States  and  parts  of  States,  are  and 
henceforward  shall  be  free  ;  and  that  the  Executive 


248  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

Government  of  the  United  States,  including  the  mil 
itary  and  naval  authorities  thereof,  will  recognize  and 
maintain  the  freedom  of  said  persons.  And  I  hereby 
enjoin  upon  the  people,  so  declared  to  be  free,  to  ab 
stain  from  all  violence,  unless  in  necessary  self-de 
fence  ;  and  I  recommend  to  them  that,  in  all  cases 
when  allowed,  they  labor  faithfully  for  reasonable 
wages.  And  I  further  declare  and  make  known  that 
such  persons,  of  suitable  condition,  will  be  received 
into  the  armed  service  of  the  United  States  to  garri 
son  forts,  positions,  stations  and  other  places  and  to 
man  vessels  of  all  sorts  in  said  service.  And  upon  this 
act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice,  war 
ranted  by  the  Constitution,  upon  military  necessity, 
I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the 
gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God." 

Soon  after  this  in  conversation  with  George  Thomp 
son,  the  great  anti-slave  orator,  he  said  :  * 

"  When  the  rebellion  broke  out  my  duty  did  not 
admit  of  a  question.  That  was,  first,  by  all  strictly 
lawful  means  to  endeavor  to  maintain  the  integrity 
of  the  Government,  I  did  not  consider  that  I  had  a 
right  to  touch  the  '  State '  institution  of  *  slavery ' 
until  all  other  measures  for  restoring  the  Union  had 
failed.  The  paramount  idea  of  the  Constitution  is 
the  preservation  of  the  Union.  It  may  not  be  speci 
fied  in  so  many  words,  but  that  this  was  the  idea  of 
its  founders  is  evident  ;  for  without  the  Union  the 
Constitution  would  be  useless.  It  seems  clear  then, 
that,  in  the  last  extremity,  if  any  local  institution 
threatened  the  existence  of  the  Union,  the  Executive 


1  Carpenter. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  249 

could  not  hesitate  as  to  his  duty.  In  our  case,  the 
moment  came  when  I  felt  that  slavery  must  die  that 
the  nation  might  live.  I  have  sometimes  used  the 
illustration  in  this  connection,  of  a  man  with  a  dis 
eased  limb,  and  his  surgeon.  So  long  as  there  is  a 
chance  of  the  patient's  restoration,  the  surgeon  is 
solemnly  bound  to  try  to  save  both  life  and  limb  ;  but 
when  the  crisis  comes,  and  the  limb  must  be  sacri 
ficed  as  the  only  chance  of  saving  the  life,  no  honest 
man  will  hesitate.  Many  of  my  strongest  supporters 
urged  emancipation  before  I  thought  it  indispensable, 
and  I  may  say,  before  I  thought  the  country  was 
ready  for  it.  It  is  my  conviction  that  had  the  proc 
lamation  been  issued  even  six  months  earlier  than  it 
was,  public  sentiment  would  not  have  sustained  it.  ... 
We  have  seen  this  great  revolution  in  public  senti 
ment  slowly  but  surely  progressing  so  that,  when  final 
action  came,  the  opposition  was  not  strong  enough 
to  defeat  the  purpose,  I  can  now  solemnly  assert  that 
I  have  a  clear  conscience  in  regard  to  my  action  on  this 
momentous  subject.  I  have  done  what  no  man  could 
have  helped  doing,  standing  in  my  place." 

The  influence  of  the  proclamation  upon  the  national 
cause  cannot  be  overestimated,  yet  it  failed  to  meet 
with  universal  approval.  As  there  had  been  previ 
ously  many  who  had  strenuously  blamed  the  Presi 
dent  for  his  hesitation,  so  now  there  were  many  who 
accused  him  of  precipitate  action  and  foreboded  evil 
as  the  result  of  the  proclamation.  But  the  effect  of 
it  was  immediately  manifest  in  the  conduct  of  the 
war.  Little  progress  had  been  made  up  to  this  time  \ 
by  the  Federal  army.  Dissensions  had  dissipated 
the  strength  of  the  leaders  and  opposing  counsels  ] 


25°  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

had  condemned  great  armies  to  comparative  inaction 
or  to  ill-judged  movements  which  had  resulted  disas 
trously  and  produced  universal  distrust  and  apathy. 
The  victorious  arms  of  the  South,  the  growing  dis 
affection  manifest  in  the  army,  the  increasing  lack  of 
confidence  in  the  leaders  and  their  policy,  throughout 
the  North,  all  tended  towards  a  crisis,  when  either 
some  new  and  decisive  policy  must  be  inaugurated  or 
the  collapse  of  the  National  cause  was  inevitable. 
Just  the  right  moment  was  selected  by  the  unerring 
judgment  of  the  President,  the  proclamation  was 
issued,  and  from  that  time  on  it  needed  no  inspired 
prophet  to  tell  what  the  ultimate  result  would  be. 
True  it  was  that  many  cruel  battles  must  yet  be 
fought,  that  much  blood  must  be  shed  and  great 
treasures  expended,  for  the  strength  of  the  South 
was,  as  yet,  unbroken,  but,  from  that  time  on,  the 
power  of  the  Confederacy  began  to  wane,  its  main 
stay  was  taken  away,  and  from  January  i,  1863, 
Appomattox  was  in  view. 

The  proclamation  was  a  moral  fortification,  the  in 
auguration  of  a  decisive  policy  which  declared  that 
the  preservation  of  the  Union  was  of  more  importance 
than  the  perpetuation  of  slavery  or  any  other  insti 
tution  ;  that  the  President  had  the  determination  to 
exert  his  full  power  in  all  lawful  channels  to  put  down 
the  insurrection.  It  showed  the  rebels  in  arms  that 
the  Government  was  just  as  determined  as  they,  and 
would  as  relentlessly  use  every  weapon  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  the  Constitution  as  they  for  its  destruc 
tion.  The  institution  was  a  vital  one  to  the  South, 
and  every  blow  struck  against  it  was  keenly  felt,  just 
at  the  point  where  it  would  do  the  most  harm.  It  was 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  251 

the  source  of  the  war  and  soon  became  its  strength. 
Though  the  white  man  would  scorn  to  fight  beside 
the  negro,  or  to  strike  a  blow  in  his  behalf,  person 
ally,  yet  to  maintain  his  property  rights  in  him  he 
chose  to  enter  upon  the  most  disastrous  war  of 
modern  times.  Yet  all  the  time,  behind  the  battling 
hosts,  was  the  negro  patiently  toiling  to  give  greater 
strength  to  the  Confederacy  than  the  shot  and  shell 
which  mangled  and  murdered  the  opposing  ranks  of 
loyal  citizens  who  strove  to  uphold  the  majesty  of 
law  and  the  might  of  a  constitutional  government. 
Slavery  was  the  vital  principle  of  the  rebellion,  which 
destroyed  must  drain  the  life  of  secession. 

The  Government  did  not  hesitate  to  confiscate 
property,  capture  arms  and  fortresses  by  force,  nor 
to  kill  as  many  of  the  enemy  as  possible  ;  all  this  was 
lawful,  nor  had  it  any  less  the  right  to  attack  an  in 
stitution,  especially  when  that  institution  was  hostile 
not  only  to  the  best  interests  of  the  nation,  but  to 
its  very  existence.  The  act  was  plainly  a  legitimate 
military  measure,  dictated  by  common-sense.  In  its 
scope  it  was  nothing  less  than  a  national  purification, 
while  its  temporary  intention  was  the  maintenance 
of  the  Union  and  of  national  government,  its  ulti 
mate  result  was  permanent  peace  and  prosperity, 
founded  upon  the  only  principle  that  could  secure 
either. 

It  is  given  to  but  few  men  to  formulate  a  great 
principle  in  a  political  doctrine,  and  to  afterwards 
demonstrate  the  correctness  of  its  application  by 
actually  working  it  into  the  fabric  of  the  nation's 
life.  To  Mr.  Lincoln  belongs  this  distinction.  When 
he  first  announced  his  abiding  belief  in  the  principle 


252  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

that  the  nation  could  not  long  endure  half  slave  and 
half  free,  Cassandra-like,  he  prophesied  to  a  scoffing 
crowd  ;  but  many  who  ridiculed  lived  to  acknowledge 
their  error,  and  the  justness  of  his  conclusions.  His 
friends  believed  that  he  had  ended  his  public  career 
by  the  annunciation  of  this  unpopular  principle,  and 
it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  to  it  he  owed  his  defeat 
in  his  second  Senatorial  campaign  and  his  temporary 
retirement  from  the  political  field.  But  never  was 
the  triumph  of  principle  more  signal  or  vindication 
more  complete  than  his.  Like  the  old  statue,  the 
nation  had  one  foot  of  iron,  strong  and  enduring,  and 
one  of  clay,  which  could  not  long  withstand  the  force 
of  the  elements,  but  must  inevitably  crumble  away 
and  bring  ruin  and  destruction  upon  the  whole  social 
edifice.  Strong  in  liberty,  weak  in  slavery  !  The 
proclamation  not  only  marked  the  crisis  of  the  war, 
but  it  also  proved  a  most  important  landmark  in  the 
life  of  the  President.  Hitherto  he  had  pursued  his 
steady  course  undisturbed,  at  least  uninfluenced  by 
the  wild  uproar  of  the  war.  Few  men  would  have 
been  sufficiently  independent  to  pursue  the  course 
marked  out  by  their  convictions  when  so  hard  beset 
on  every  side.  Before  his  inauguration  he  had  been 
openly  slandered  by  his  enemies  ;  after  it  his  influ 
ence  had  been  secretly  undermined  by  his  friends. 
Because  he  and  his  Secretary  of  State,  who  had 
always  been  known  to  be  friendly  to  the  peaceful 
annihilation  of  the  power  of  the  slaveholding  inter 
ests  in  the  Government,  did  not  immediately  advocate 
emancipation,  they  were  pursued  by  bitter  suspicions 
of  cowardice  and  incapacity,  or  still  worse  with  the 
stern  rebuke  of  treachery  to  their  political  friends. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  253 

Slowly  the  policy  of  the  President  unfolded  itself, 
developing,  as  circumstances  demanded,  rather  than 
along  a  rigid  line  defined  by  arbitrary  rules.  Again 
and  again  was  the  trend  of  his  thoughts  indicated  or 
hinted  at  by  some  incisive  utterance,  just  as  the  flut 
tering  leaves  in  the  tree-tops  indicate  the  direction 
of  the  atmospheric  currents.  More  than  a  hint  of  his 
policy  is  given  in  a  single  sentence  or  two  of  his 
December  message,  when  he  says  : 

"The  Union  must  be  preserved,  and  hence  all 
indispensable  means  must  be  employed."  Again  : 
"We  should  not  be  in  haste  to  determine  that  radical 
and  extreme  measures,  which  may  reach  the  loyal  as 
well  as  the  disloyal,  are  indispensable." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  career  is,  as  yet,  too  recent  to  place 
a  complete  and  proper  estimate  upon  it  or  to  say 
what  has  been  the  crowning  achievement  in  his 
career.  The  din  and  turmoil  of  a  hundred  battle 
fields  have  not  ceased  echoing  through  the  country, 
nor  has  the  smoke  of  burning  cities  been  yet  entirely 
dissipated  from  the  atmosphere.  The  glorious 
achievements  of  his  administration,  the  evolutions 
of  mighty  armies,  the  daring  deeds  of  prowess  and 
the  hard-won  conquest  of  a  valiant  foe,  all  cast  a 
glamour  over  the  great  struggle,  which  blinds  the 
eyes  of  beholders  and  renders  them  incapable  of 
judging  as  to  the  single  achievement  which  shall 
stand  pre-eminent  over  all  others  as  the  most  far- 
reaching  and  beneficent  in  its  results.  Shall  it  be 
the  preservation  of  republican  institutions,  the  per 
petuation  of  constitutional  governmen  or  the  eleva 
tion  of  four  millions  of  slaves  to  the  status  of  man 
hood  and  womanhood  ?  Whatever  mav  be  the  ver- 


254  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

diet,  it  is  certain  that  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
will  always  be  associated  with  the  sacred  cause  of 
freedom,  that  his  example  will  be  an  inspiration  in 
the  great  struggle  between  the  powers  of  right  and 
wrong,  and  one  of  the  greatest  glories  of  the  final 
victory  which  his  life  has  done  so  much  to  assure. 
His  career  is  inseparably  connected  with  the  history 
of  the  American  slaves,  and  to  them  his  name  will 
ever  be  a  sacred  one. 

His  achievements  were  in  no  sense  accidental,  nor 
did  he  act  as  an  unreasoning  instrument  in  the  hands 
of  Providence,  to  bring  about  a  foreordained  result. 
It  is  true  that  the  whole  history  of  the  country  leads 
up,  in  concentering  lines,  to  the  grand  denouement ; 
that  all  the  forces  of  political  and  social  life  were  un 
consciously  exerted  to  hasten  the  crisis  ;  and  all  the 
tendencies  of  modern  civilization,  together  with  the 
example  of  foreign  countries,  were  towards  the  ele 
vating  of  the  lowly  and  the  freeing  of  those  who 
were  in  bondage.  These  agencies  would  either  have 
brought  about  the  desired  result  in  the  course  of 
time,  or  would  have  relegated  all  slaveholding 
countries  to  the  lowest  position  in  the  scale  of 
nations  and  to  a  condition  of  comparative  barbarism. 

The  powerful  forces  of  advancing  civilization  de 
manded  a  Lincoln  to  concentrate,  and  apply  them, 
and,  though  the  operation  nearly  rent  the  continent 
in  twain  and  caused  the  rivers  to  pour  crimson  tides 
into  the  sea,  it  proved  effectual,  and  the  terrible  curse 
of  American  slavery  was  forever  blotted  out.  To 
bring  about  this  result  it  is  safe  to  say  that  Lincoln 
contributed  more  than  any  other  man.  The  cause  of 
Abolition  had  been  made  unpopular,  in  the  North  as 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  255 

well  as  in  the  South,  by  the  radicalism  of  its  cham 
pions.  Lincoln  was  the  first  to  rescue  it  from  the 
slough  of  sentimentalism  and  plant  it  upon  the  firm 
ground  of  political  principle.  Before  his  entrance 
into  the  field,  it  had  been  recognized  only  as  the  vis 
ionary  scheme  of  a  few  enthusiasts.  In  only  a  few 
limited  localities  had  it  attained  a  respectable  degree 
of  influence.  The  Douglas  debates  and  the  Cooper 
Institute  speech  raised  it  to  the  dignity  of  a  great 
political  issue. 

No  consideration  of  the  question  should  detract 
from  the  value  of  the  immortal  deeds  of  such  men  as 
Phillips,  Garrison,  Sumner,  Seward  and  Whittier,  yet 
it  is  certain  that  that  their  lives  were  in  a  large  sense 
only  preparatory  to  the  giant  achievements  of  Lin 
coln.  Their  extreme  utterances  appealed  to  but  a 
small  portion  of  the  people  ;  his  earnest  moderation 
and  reasonable  policy  aroused  far  less  antagonism 
and  made  multitudes  of  friends  among  those  who 
would  otherwise  have  been  lukewarm  or  even  hostile. 
A  more  self-assertive  policy  would  no  doubt  have 
wrecked  the  Government  and  broken  up  the  country; 
less  resolution  and  earnestness  of  purpose  would  have 
allowed  the  opportunity  of  a  century  to  pass  or  long 
years  of  contention  or  divided  sovereignty  would 
have  been  the  result.  In  view,  then,  of  the  mighty 
interests  preserved,  and  the  weighty  problems  solved, 
it  is  probably  not  too  much  to  say  that  Abraham  Lin 
coln  will  be  recognized  as  the  central  figure  of  the 
nineteenth  century  in  American  history. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

DURING  the  first  year  of  the  war  the  prestige  had 
been  with  the  Southern  armies.  The  Confederate 
leaders  had  made  elaborate  preparations  and  had  not 
only  taken  the  Government  unawares  but  had  de 
prived  it,  to  a  large  extent,  of  the  means  of  waging 
offensive  warfare,  and  compelled  it  to  act  mainly  upon 
the  defensive  until  its  resources  could  be  recuperated. 
The  first  year,  therefore,  was  largely  a  period  of  self- 
fortification  on  the  part  of  the  national  Government 
and  of  preparation  of  a  vantage-ground  from  which 
the  war  might  be  successfully  fought.  As  next  in  im 
portance  to  recruiting  and  disciplining  large  armies, 
the  administration  directed  its  energies  towards  re 
taining  the  border  States  in  the  Union,  for  the  pos 
session  of  which  the  Confederacy  was  exerting  every 
effort. 

It  was  only  through  the  skillfully  planned  move 
ments  of  the  Government  that  a  number  of  these 
States  did  not  find  their  way  into  the  Confederacy. 
Thus  were  saved  to  the  Union  the  States  of  Mary 
land,  West  Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  which 
afterwards  rendered  gallant  service  in  its  defense. 

One  of  the  greatest  achievements  of  the  year  was 
the  blockade  of  the  South.  The  rebellious  common 
wealths  were  virtually  placed  in  a  state  of  siege;  the 
fleets  upon  the  ocean  and  the  armies  on  the  north  and 

(256) 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  257 

west  almost  entirely  shutting  off  communication  with 
the  outside  world.  Never  before  had  an  attempt  been 
made  to  actually  enforce  so  extensive  a  blockade. 
Napoleon's  famous  Berlin  decree  and  the  resulting 
Orders  in  Council  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  cov 
ered  an  extensive  seaboard  but  both  Governments 
were  powerless  to  enforce  them  by  actual  blockade. 
When  the  policy  was  first  announced  military  men 
abroad  sneered  at  the  idea  and  arrogantly  proclaimed 
its  utter  impracticability.  And  the  obstacles  did  seem 
insurmountable.  The  numerous  harbors  of  the  South, 
its  navigable  rivers  and  complex  system  of  estuaries 
and  sounds  seemed  to  offer  so  many  opportunities  for 
blockade-runners  that  nothing  short  of  an  actual  pa 
trol  of  the  entire  coasc  would  apparently  effect  the 
desired  result.  Yet  in  less  than  a  year  the  South  was 
practically  cut  off  from  outside  markets  and  was 
neither  able  to  sell  her  own  products  abroad  nor  buy 
the  many  luxuries  which,  from  common  use,  had 
almost  come  to  be  necessities.  The  moral  effect 
of  this  move  was  great,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
More  than  was  possible  in  any  other  way  the  whole 
disaffected  district  was  made  to  feel  the  rigor  of  war, 
and  the  serious  character  of  the  situation  was  brought 
close  home  to  every  door,  while  the  loss  of  Southern 
products,  especially  of  cotton,  brought  much  suffer 
ing  upon  foreign  communities  and  led  the  different 
powers  to  feel  a  deeper  personal  interest  in  the  strug- 
gle. 

But  two  great  battles  had  been  fought,  and  in  each 
the  National  armies  had  been  signally  defeated,  and 
though  victorious  in  a  number  of  minor  engagements, 
the  laurels  of  the  contest  thus  far  rested  on  Southern 


258  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

brows.  For  the  second  year  the  administration  had 
conceived  a  policy  looking  towards  the  achievement 
of  three  different  things,  viz. — the  continued  block 
ade  of  Southern  ports,  the  opening  of  the  Mississippi 
and  the  capture  of  Richmond.  Early  in  the  year  the 
country  was  electrified  by  news  of  the  capture  of 
Forts  Henry  and  Donelson  by  General  Grant,  assisted 
by  Commodore  Foote.  The  cool  and  resolute  bear 
ing  of  General  Grant  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
people,  but  especially  that  of  the  President,  who  was 
eagerly  watching  for  the  appearance  of  some  military 
genius  who  should  be  able  to  lead  the  grand  armies 
of  the  Republic  on  to  victory.  Between  Lincoln  and 
Grant  there  were  many  things  in  common  and  each 
conceived  a  warm  admiration  for,  and  complete  confi 
dence  in  the  other.  In  each  was  to  be  noted  the  same 
unaffected  simplicity  and  earnest  resolution.  Each 
was  self-reliant  in  critical  times  and  quick  to  discern 
merit  in  another  and  each  was  capable  of  grasping 
the  broad  principles  of  a  situation,  unembarrassed  by 
minor  details,  which  enabled  them  to  frame  compre 
hensive  policies  or  plan  great  and  successful  cam 
paigns.  To  Grant,  Lincoln  was  the  greatest  man  of 
the  times,  and  to  Lincoln,  Grant  was  the  ablest  gen 
eral  of  the  age.  Yet  neither  arrived  at  this  conclu 
sion  until  each  had  been  thoroughly  tested  and  proven 
worthy.  And  it  was  only  after  his  ability  had  been 
demonstrated  in  many  a  hard  fought  field  and  com 
plicated  siege  that  Grant  was  advanced  from  one  po 
sition  to  another  until  he  was  put  in  command  of  the 
united  armies  of  the  nation. 

Then    came  the  movements  looking  towards   the 
forced  evacuation  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  involv- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  259 

ing  the  fiercely  fought  battle  of  Shiloh  and  the  grad 
ual  rolling  southward  of  the  rebel  tide  which  had 
threatened  to  inundate  the  States  of  the  Northwest. 

The  administration  early  saw  the  importance  of 
gaining  possession  of  the  Mississippi  River.  As  in 
early  times  this  magnificent  highway  of  inland  waters 
had  been  the  subject  of  many  a  controversy  and  in 
ternational  complication,  so  once  more  its  peaceful 
waters  were  to  be  the  witness  of  a  tremendous  strug 
gle  between  the  free  Northwest  and  the  slave  South 
west  for  its  possession,  which  foreboded  final  defeat 
to  the  loser.  In  April  a  fleet  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Farragut  captured  the  city  of  New  Or 
leans  after  passing  through  the  defenses  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  and  running  by  the  forts  which  guarded 
the  city.  While  on  the  north  the  Federal  forces  were 
advancing  slowly  and  surely  southward  to  form  a 
junction  with  the  blue-coated  armies  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river. 

Early  in  the  year  the  people  of  the  North  were 
dismayed  by  the  news  that  the  Merrimac,  whose  con 
struction  and  formidable  character  had  been  widely 
heralded,  had  attacked  the  fleet  off  Hampton  Roads, 
and  had  sunk  or  disabled  a  number  of  the  stanchest 
ships,  which  were  powerless  to  harm  their  adversary. 
Anxiously  did  they  throng  the  telegraph  offices  the 
next  day,  awaiting  news  which  the  most  sanguine 
could  not  hope  to  be  favorable.  But  a  new  factor 
had  appeared  upon  the  scene,  one  of  those  products 
of  man's  ingenuity  which  special  emergencies  some 
times  call  forth.  The  story  of  the  Merrimac  and 
Monitor  has  passed  into  history,  and  is  familiar  to 
every  school-child. 


260  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was,  in 
a  large  measure,  responsible  for  the  building  of  the 
Monitor.  The  plans  had  been  presented  to  the  Navy 
Department,  but  had  excited  but  little  interest.  Fi 
nally,  the  projectors  of  the  enterprise  solicited  an 
interview  with  the  President,  at  which  Captain  Erics 
son's  plans  were  displayed  and  fully  described.  After 
making  a  thorough  examination  of  them,  Mr.  Lincoln 
said  :  "  Well,  I  don't  know  much  about  ships,  though 
I  once  contrived  a  canal-boat,  the  model  of  which  is 
down  in  the  Patent  Office,  the  great  merit  of  which 
was  that  it  could  run  where  there  was  no  water,  but 
I  think  there  is  something  in  this  plan  of  Ericsson's." 
And,  shortly  afterwards,  the  Government  entered  into 
a  contract  for  the  construction  of  the  boat  as  a  result 
of  this  interview.  The  result  amply  vindicated  the 
claims  of  the  great  inventor  and  his  friends. 

At  the  time  of  the  capture  of  Norfolk  and  the  de 
struction  of  the  MerrimaC)  the  President  was  at  For 
tress  Monroe  with  several  of  his  Cabinet.  He  had 
witnessed  with  deep  interest  one  of  the  struggles 
between  the  little  Monitor  and  the  rebel  iron-clad, 
and  awaited  anxiously  the  result  of  the  expedition 
against  Norfolk.  His  account  of  the  reception  of  the 
news  of  its  downfall  is  as  follows  : 

"Chase  and  Stanton,"  said  he,  "had  accompanied 
me  to  Fortress  Monroe.  While  we  were  there,  an 
expedition  was  fitted  out  for  an  attack  on  Norfolk. 
Chase  and  General  Wool  disappeared  about  the  time 
we  began  to  look  for  tidings  of  the  result,  and  after 
vainly  waiting  their  return  until  late  in  the  evening, 
Stanton  and  I  concluded  to  retire.  My  room  was  on 
the  second  floor  of  the  commandant's  house,  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  26 1 

Stanton's  was  below.  The  night  was  very  warm,  the 
moon  was  shining  brightly,  and,  too  restless  to  sleep, 
I  sat  for  some  time  by  the  table  reading.  Suddenly 
hearing  footsteps,  I  looked  out  of  the  window  and 
saw  two  persons  approaching,  whom  I  knew  by  the 
relative  size  to  be  the  missing  men.  They  came  into 
the  passage,  and  I  heard  them  rap  at  Stanton's  door, 
and  tell  him  to  get  up  and  come  upstairs.  A  mo 
ment  after,  they  entered  my  room.  *  No  time  for  cer 
emony,  Mr.  President,'  said  General  Wool — 'Norfolk 
is  ours  ! '  Stanton  here  burst  in,  just  out  of  bed,  clad 
in  a  long  night-gown,  which  nearly  swept  the  floor, 
his  ear  catching,  as  he  crossed  the  threshold,  Wool's 
last  words.  Perfectly  overjoyed,  he  rushed  at  the 
General,  whom  he  hugged  most  affectionately,  fairly 
lifting  him  from  the  floor  in  his  delight.  The  scene 
altogether  must  have  been  a  comical  one,  though  at 
the  time  we  were  all  too  greatly  excited  to  take  much 
note  of  mere  appearances."1 

The  North  had  become  impatient  at  the  meager 
results  of  the  war  hitherto,  and  from  east  to  west, 
from  Canada  to  the  border-land,  the  imperious  cry 
resounded,  "  On  to  Richmond  !  "  A  vast  and  well- 
disciplined  host  lay  upon  its  arms  within  sight  of  the 
great  dome  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  and  impa 
tiently  demanded  that  it  be  led  against  the  enemy. 
The  time  was  ripe,  the  opportunities  favorable,  and 
the  men  were  ready;  but  the  great  leader,  unerring 
in  judgment,  quick  to  strike  and  cool  in  temper,  was 
wanting.  McClellan  started  out  with  the  most  bril 
liant  prospects,  a  good  soldier,  an  honest  patriot,  but 


Browne. 


262  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

unfitted  to  conduct  a  great  campaign.  The  onward 
movement  was  undertaken  with  undue  deliberation 
and  utter  neglect  of  caution.  Opportunities  were 
overlooked  which  might  have  contributed  much  tow 
ards  the  success  of  the  expedition,  and  yet  the  great 
army  arrived  almost  within  sight  of  the  defenses  of 
Richmond,  carrying  consternation  to  the  inhabitants, 
but  was  then  compelled  to  turn  back  by  the  adriot 
manoeuvres  of  the  opposing  generals.  Then  followed 
the  skillfully-conducted  but  disastrous  retreat,  the 
seven  days'  fighting  and  the  bloody  struggle  in  the 
Wilderness,  and,  at  last,  the  broken  fragments  of  the 
once  splendid  Army  of  the  Potomac  returned,  with 
banners  torn  and  laurels  gone,  leaving  behind  a  path 
way  strewn  with  the  mangled  remains  of  the  hus 
bands  and  sons  of  the  North.  How  the  eyes  of  the 
people  were  turned  towards  that  spot  on  Virginia's 
sacred  soil,  and  how  the  hearts  of  mothers  and  wives 
and  children  were  breaking,  as  they  pictured  their 
loved  ones  bleeding  and  dying  in  that  lonely  swamp  ! 
Such  scenes  of  woe  the  pen  can  never  describe  nor 
the  brush  picture.  The  broken  heart  alone  knows 
the  depth  of  its  suffering. 

The  retreat  of  McClellan  was  followed  by  an  ad 
vance  of  the  rebel  armies  into  Maryland.  Flushed 
with  victory,  General  Lee  permitted  his  forces  to  be 
come  widely  separated,  when  he  was  suddenly  con 
fronted  by  the  Federal  army,  which  was  much 
superior  in  numbers,  at  Antietam.  But  McClellan, 
with  characteristic  inactivity  and  indecision,  delayed 
until  the  scattered  forces  of  the  Confederates  could 
be  collected,  and  then  engaged  the  enemy.  What 
might  have  been  a  glorious  victory,  resulted  practi- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  263 

cally  in  a  drawn  battle,  and  Lee  was  permitted  to 
retire  unmolested  across  the  Potomac.  The  battle  of 
Antietam  ended  General  McClellan's  military  career, 
and  he  was  succeeded  by  General  Burnside,  who  was 
shortly  afterwards  disastrously  defeated  at  Fred- 
ericksburg,  and  was  in  turn  succeeded  by  General 
Hooker. 

It  is  related  that,  on  the  morning  after  the  battle 
at  Fredericksburg,  Hon.  I.  N.  Arnold  called  on  the 
President,  and,  to  his  amazement,  found  him  engaged 
in  rea.ding  "  Artemas  Ward."  Making  no  reference 
to  that  which  occupied  the  universal  thought,  he 
asked  Mr.  Arnold  to  sit  down  while  he  read  to  him 
Artemas'  description  of  his  visit  to  the  Shakers. 
Shocked  at  this  proposition,  Mr.  Arnold  said  :  "  Mr. 
President,  is  it  possible  that,  with  the  whole  land 
bowed  in  sorrow  and  covered  with  a  pall  in  the  pres 
ence  of  yesterday's  fearful  reverse,  you  can  indulge 
in  such  levity  ?"  Throwing  down  the  book,  with  the 
tears  streaming  down  his  cheeks,  and  his  huge  frame 
quivering  with  emotion,  Mr.  Lincoln  answered,  "  Mr. 
Arnold,  if  I  could  not  get  momentary  respite  from 
the  crushing  burden  I  am  constantly  carrying,  my 
heart  would  break  !  "  l 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1863,  the  situation  was 
not  materially  changed  from  the  preceding  year.  The 
emancipation  proclamation  had  been  issued,  and  the 
result  of  the  step  was  anxiously  awaited.  The  dis 
asters  in  the  East  had  inspired  a  feeling  of  gloom  and 
discouragement,  which  the  victories  in  the  West  had 
hardly  been  able  to  counteract.  General  Grant  was  per- 


Browne. 


264  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

sistently  continuing  his  efforts  to  open  the  Mississippi, 
and  had  gained  possession  of  the  territory  on  both 
sides  of  the  river  as  far  south  as  Vicksburg,  which 
was  now  the  only  important  Confederate  stronghold 
on  the  river.  The  city  was  in  an  exceptionally  strong 
position,  and  was  seemingly  impregnable.  Moreover, 
as  it  was  the  last  position  held  by  the  Confederates, 
it  was  believed  that  their  Government  would  exert 
every  effort  to  maintain  it.  Hence  there  were  few 
who  believed  that  it  could  be  captured.  General 
Grant,  however,  in  spite  of  all  obstacles,  determined 
to  invest  the  city.  He  tried  one  plan  after  another 
and  failed,  yet,  with  a  tenacity  of  purpose  which  has 
rarely  been  equalled,  he  persisted  in  the  effort  and, 
finally,  July  4,  1863,  had  the  satisfaction  of  planting 
the  "  Stars  and  Stripes "  upon  the  ramparts,  and 
taking  possession  of  Vicksburg  in  the  name  of  the 
Federal  Government.  Like  an  electric  shock,  the 
news  passed  through  the  North,  and  gave  birth  to 
exultation  and  a  renewed  feeling  of  confidence  in 
ultimate  success.  No  one  was  more  delighted  by 
this  achievement  than  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  he  took  an 
early  opportunity  to  write  the  following  congratu 
latory  letter  to  him: 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,          > 

"WASHINGTON,   D.  C,  July  13,   1863.  \ 
"  Major-General  Grant. 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL — I  do  not  remember  that  you  and 
I  ever  met  personally.  I  write  this  now  as  a  grateful  acknowl 
edgment  for  the  almost  inestimable  service  you  have  done  the 
country.  I  write  to  say  a  word  further.  When  you  first 
reached  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg,  I  thought  you  should  do 
what  you  finally  did — march  the  troops  across  the  neck,  run  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  265 

batteries  with  the  transports,  and  thus  go  below ;  and  I  never 
had  any  faith,  except  a  general  hope  that  you  knew  better  than 
I,  that  the  Yazoo  Pass  expedition,  and  the  like,  could  succeed. 
When  you  got  below,  and  took  Port  Gibson,  Grand  Gulf  and 
vicinity,  I  thought  you  should  go.  down  the  river,  and  join  Gen 
eral  Banks ;  and  when  you  turned  northward,  east  of  the  Big 
Black,  I  feared  it  was  a  mistake.  I  now  wish  to  make  the  per 
sonal  acknowledgment  that  you  were  right,  and  I  was  wrong. 

"  Yours  truly, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

Vicksburg's  capture  was  undoubtedly  the  greatest 
achievement  of  the  war  up  to  this  time,  yet  General 
Grant's  work  was  but  begun.  The  Department  of 
the  Tennessee  was  under  the  command  of  General 
Rosecrans  but,  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga,  he  was  superseded  by  Grant  who  arrived 
just  in  time  to  fight  the  battle  of  Chattanooga  and  to 
witness  the  gallant  and  desperate  ascent  of  Mission 
ary  Ridge.  A  more  glorious  spectacle  is  not 
described  in  the  annals  of  war.  The  rugged  moun 
tain  lifting  its  precipitous  heights  into  the  clouds, 
where  might  be  seen  the  Confederate  lines  intrenched 
behind  formidable  defenses  of  rocks  and  crags.  At 
its  base  a  long  slender  line  of  blue-coated  soldiers, 
whose  eyes  swept  the  heights  and  whose  faces  were 
eagerly  set  towards  the  foe  so  far  above  them.  Once, 
twice,  six  times  the  signal  cannon  bellowed  forth  its 
thunderous  sound  and  like  a  sword  from  its  scab 
bard  the  impatient  line  sprang  forth,  impetuous, 
undaunted  by  the  rugged  heights  and  frowning 
redoubts.  From  crag  to  crag,  amid  the  tempest  of 
iron,  which  raged  round  about  them,  splintering  the 
rocks  and  hurling  many  a  brave  soldier  to  the  ground 


266  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

in  his  death  agony,  they  dash  onward  and  upward, 
with  the  starry  flags  leading  far  in  the  advance.  The 
foe  was  met  and  despite  his  advantage  of  position 
was  hurled  back  by  the  avalanche  of  steel,  thus 
turned  back  from  its  natural  course.  So  the  battle 
of  the  clouds  was  fought  and  the  proud  banner  of 
freedom  floated  over  another  State  rescued  from 
the  polluting  clutch  of  treason. 

In  the  East  affairs  began  to  take  a  more  favorable 
turn.  Encouraged  by  his  almost  unbroken  career 
of  victory  General  Lee  determined  to  carry  the  war 
into  the  enemy's  country.  The  broad  and  fertile 
fields  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  wealthy  and  populous 
cities  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  offered  tempt 
ing  prizes  to  the  invader,  whose  soil  had  been  the 
scene  of  so  many  sanguinary  conflicts  and  whose 
resources  had  been  exhausted  by  destructive  war. 
Swiftly  the  legions  of  the  South  moved  down  the 
Shenandoah  and  crossed  the  Potomac,  hotly  pursued 
by  the  Federal  army  under  the  command  of  General 
Meade,  which  now,  for  the  first  time,  found  a  hostile 
army  between  itself  and  the  North. 

Upon  Northern  soil,  in  a  State  founded  upon  the 
principles  of  peace  and  good-will  towards  all,  in  a 
place  where  the  echoes  of  the  guns  could  almost  be 
heard  in  the  "  City  of  Brotherly  Love,"  was  the  decis 
ive  battle  of  the  war  destined  to  be  fought.  Neither 
general  had  planned  to  fight  here  but  by  accident, 
or  rather  by  the  hand  of  Providence,  "a  collision 
occurred  between  a  squadron  of  Federal  cavalry 
and  a  division  of  Lee's  army  and  the  great  engage 
ment  was  brought  on.  For  three  days  the  battle 
continued  ;  each  side  recognizing  that  then  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  267 

there  the  issue  must  be  fought  out.  Deeds  of  bravery 
and  daring  were  performed  which  will  ever  redound 
to  the  glory  of  American  heroism.  Charges  and 
counter-charges,  artillery  duels  and  broadsides  of 
musketry,  together  with  the  minor  refrain  of  groans 
and  dying  prayers,  mingling  with  the  shrill  shrieks 
of  death  and  hoarse  cries  of  command,  all  go  to  make 
up  the  battle  of  Gettysburg.  But  at  last  the  tide  of 
invasion  was  turned  and  the  rebel  army,  in  full  retreat, 
sought  the  regions  which  it  had  left  so  hopefully, 
but  a  few  days  before,  defeated  but  not  dishonored. 
No  braver  men  ever  breathed  or  more  gallant  hearts 
ever  beat  than  those  in  the  gray  coats,  save  alone  those 
in  the  blue,  whose  greatest  mead  of  praise  was  that 
they  had  beaten  their  brethren  of  the  South. 

The  tide  of  the  war  had  turned.  With  the  begin 
ning  of  1864,  the  last  act  in  the  great  tragedy  opened. 
General  Grant  was  made  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
National  forces  and  now  for  the  first  time  all  the  tre 
mendous  power  of  the  army  was  swayed  by  one  mind, 
intelligently  to  the  accomplishment  of  one  purpose — 
the  putting  down  of  the  rebellion  as  quickly  and 
effectively  as  possible.  Obedient  to  command,  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  who  was  soon  to  be  ranked  in  ability 
as  a  commander  only  second  to  the  great  chief  him 
self,  set  out,  in  pursuit  of  Johnston,  on  his  great 
march  to  Atlanta  and  thence  to  the  sea.  Straight 
across  the  very  centre  of  the  Confederacy  he 
marched,  overcoming  all  opposition  and  capturing 
Atlanta,  then  breaking  loose  from  all  communica 
tions,  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  he  started 
with  sixty  thousand  men  for  the  Atlantic  coast.  In 
five  weeks  he  had  marched  three  hundred  miles  and 


268  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

captured  Savannah.  The  effect  of  this  daring  expe 
dition  cannot  be  over  estimated.  The  enemy's  coun 
try  had  once  more  been  cut  in  two  and  the  interior, 
for  the  first  time,  was  made  to  feel  the  rigors  of  des 
tructive  and  uncompromising  war. 

The  advantage  of  having  all  the  Federal  armies 
under  the  direction  of  one  cool,  vigilant  and  unweary 
ing  mind  soon  became  apparant.  The  operations  of 
the  national  forces  covered  a  vast  field,  but  they  were 
no  longer  conducted  at  cross  purposes;  each  army, 
division  and  brigade  became  like  the  pieces  in  the 
hands  of  a  chess-player,  and  were  skilfully  and  har 
moniously  manipulated.  Sherman  in  the  South, 
Thomas  in  Tennessee,  Sheridan  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  Butler  in  eastern  Virginia,  Dupont  along  the 
Atlantic  seaboard,  and  Porter  and  Farragut  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  with  the  great  General  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  vast  armies  advancing  towards  Richmond 
worked  with  a  vigor  and  unity  of  purpose  which, 
exhibited  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war,  would  have 
brought  it  to  a  close  long  before.  Once  more  was 
Richmond  the  objective  point  and  slowly  but  relent 
lessly  the  Union  armies  were  closing  around  the  Con 
federate  Capital.  All  the  genius  of  Lee  and  his 
accomplished  generals  was  exerted  to  turn  back  the 
tide  of  invasion,  quick  marches,  flank  movements  and 
bloody  battles  were  all  unavailing,  and  in  the  spring 
of  1865  the  Wilderness  had  been  once  more  passed  in 
the  face  of  the  Confederate  hosts.  The  army  left  a 
broad  swath  behind  strewn  with  its  dead  but  still  it 
pressed  on  past  the  numerous  defenses  until  the 
strongholds  of  the  rebellion  were  one  by  one  secured 
and  the  victorious  but  sore-stricken  lines  were  at 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  269 

last  within  sight  of  the  city.  Its  defense  was  bravely 
conducted  but  ineffectual  and,  at  last,  on  the  morning 
of  April  3,  the  "  Stars  and  Stripes  "  were  borne  in  tri 
umph  through  the  streets  and  flung  once  more  to  the 
breezes  fresh  from  the  South,  where  for  four  years 
the  proud  but  ill-fated  "  St.  Andrew's  Cross  "  had 
flaunted. 

Close  upon  the  capitulation  of  Richmond  followed 
Appomattox  and  the  shattered  remnants  of  the  gal 
lant  foe  laid  down  their  arms  and  their  cause  was  lost 
forever.  The  fearful  penalty  of  the  nation's  sin,  con 
ceived  in  her  infancy  and  cherished  and  strengthened 
in  her  vigorous  youth,  was  now  paid  and  a  united 
country  was  ready  to  take  its  place  among  the  nations 
on  a  firmer  basis  and  with  grander  prospects  than 
ever  before. 

The  conflict  was  inevitable.     It  had  been  begun  at 
the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.     It  had 
gained    strength    amid    strife    and    mutual    distrust. 
More  than  once  it  had  broken  out  in  open  rebellion, 
and  finally  it  burst  like  a  tempest  upon  the  land.     It 
can  hardly  be  believed  that  the  election  of  Lincoln 
hastened  secession,  much  less  that  it  was  the  cause  of 
it.    The  time  had  come  and  a  pretext  only  was  sought. 
In  the  dark  days  that  succeeded  his  inauguration  he 
was  confronted  with  a  situation  whose  difficulty  had 
never  been  surpassed  in  the  history  of  the  country. 
Though  few  had  believed  him  to  be  possessed  of  the 
elements  of  greatness  he  exhibited  an  adaptability  to 
circumstances,  a  keenness  of  foresight  and  a  readiness 
to  adapt  means  to  the  accomplishment  of  a  desired 
end  that  will  undoubtedly  rank  him  among  the  great 
rulers  of  the  world.     In  his  energy  and  versatility  he 


270  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

was  the  peer  of  Caesar  ;  in  the  magnitude  of  the  oper 
ations  which  he  conducted,  he  vied  with  Alexander  ; 
while  his  patience,  persistence  and  devotion  to  the 
right  were  never  excelled  by  Washington. 

To  what  extent  the  success  of  the  war  was  due  to 
him  cannot  be  estimated.  The  North  was  far  stronger 
than  the  South,  both  in  material  resources  and 
the  men  from  whom  armies  are  recruited.  Her  im 
mense  extent  of  seacoast,  east  and  west,  would  have 
prevented  a  successful  blockade;  or,  if  successful,  her 
vast  domain  of  fertile  territory  would  have  rendered 
it  nugatory.  Her  people  were  patriotic  and  devoted 
and  equal,  at  least,  man  for  man  to  their  Southern 
brethren.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  taken  una 
wares  and  were  for  the  time  helpless  in  the  presence 
of  armed  rebellion.  It  was  Lincoln  who  combined 
and  utilized  the  giant  forces,  which  were  otherwise 
helpless,  because  without  a  rallying  point.  It  was 
Lincoln  who  planned  and  organized,  who  encouraged 
the  people  in  their  gloom,  and  pointed  out  the  way  to 
victory,  not  only  pointed  it  out  but  led  the  advance, 
often  but  a  forlorn  hope,  until  the  desired  end  was  at 
tained.  What  Washington  was  to  the  Revolution  Lin 
coln  was  to  the  Rebellion  and  more.  More,  because 
a  domestic  foe  is  more  formidable  than  a  foreign  ene 
my;  because  the  interests  he  controlled  and  conserved 
were  immeasurably  greater  than  those  in  the  hands  of 
Washington. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

NOWHERE  in  the  management  of  the  war  did  the  Gov 
ernment  show  greater  weakness  than  in  the  selection 
of  commanders.  It  is  hardly  just  to  blame  the  Pres 
ident  or  his  advisers  exclusively  for  this.  The  diffi 
culty  was  largely  the  result  of  circumstances,  entirely 
beyond  the  control  of  the  administration.  In  1860 
there  were  comparatively  but  few  men, North  or  South, 
who  were  trained  in  the  art  of  war.  The  Mexican 
War  had  been  too  short  and  on  too  limited  a  scale  to 
educate  many  men  in  military  tactics,  and  the  officers 
of  the  regular  army,  in  large  part,  deserted  their 
colors  to  enlist  in  the  Southern  armies.  Nor  were 
the  President  and  his  Cabinet  prepared  for  the  emer 
gency  suddenly  thrust  upon  them.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
obliged  to  feel  his  way  slowly  and  carefully  along  an 
unknown  track  without  precedent  to  guide  him.  It 
was  evident  that  the  proper  man  to  guide  and  control 
the  affairs  of  the  great  armies  could  be  found  only  by 
experiment  and  in  large  measure  must  be  educated 
up  to  his  position.  Mr.  Lincoln  realized  most  keenly 
the  difficulties  of  the  situation  and  exercised  the  ut 
most  patience  as  long  as  he  saw  his  appointees  pro 
gressive  and  earnest  He  still  continued  to  have  faith 
in  McClellan  after  the  country  had  begun  to  clamor 
for  his  removal,  and  still  upheld  and  offered  him  full 


272  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

support  if  he  would  only  make  an  effort  to  redeem 
his  reputation. 

His  policy  was  vigorous  and  he  earnestly  advised 
and  finally  directed  a  general  advance  towards  the 
centre  of  the  Confederacy,  and  yet,  in  spite  of  all,  he 
constantly  saw  his  advice  rejected  and  his  plans  dis 
concerted.  No  one  will  ever  realize  the  keenness  of 
his  disappointment  when  he  became  convinced  that 
he  was  mistaken  in  his  man  and  that  only  disaster 
could  be  expected  so  long  as  McClellan  remained  at 
the  head  of  the  army.  Nor  was  his  disappointment 
entirely  upon  public  grounds.  He  felt  a  sense  of  per 
sonal  bereavement  in  the  wholesale  slaughter  to 
which  the  army  had  been  subjected  and  his  grief  was 
all  the  more  poignant  because  he  recognized  the  fact 
that  much  of  it  was  unnecessary  and  useless.  The  suf 
fering  and  misery  occasioned  by  the  war  met  him  on 
every  side.  In  Washington  more  than  any  other  city 
of  the  North  was  the  terrible  physical  suffering,  the 
mutilation  and  sickness  of  the  soldiers  seen.  The 
city  was  full  of  hospitals  and  the  streets  were  thronged 
with  ambulances  bearing  the  sore-stricken  soldiers 
from  battlefield  to  hospital. 

He  once  said  to  a  friend,  while  gazing  at  a  long  line 
of  ambulances,  with  an  expression  of  deepest  dejec 
tion  on  his  face,  "Look  at  those  poor  fellows,  I  can 
not  bear  it !  This  suffering,  this  loss  of  life  is  dread 
ful  !  " 

From  his  windows  he  could  see  the  rebel  flag  float 
ing  at  Arlington  while  the  magnificent  Union  army 
lay  idly  upon  its  arms.  Yet  he  seldom  criticised  the 
inactivity  of  McClellan,  except  in  a  humorous  way. 
He  once  said  to  a  friend:  "If  McClellan  does  not 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  273 

want  to  use  the  army  for  some  days,  I  should  like  to 
borrow  it  and  see  if  it  cannot  be  made  to  do  some 
thing."  At  another  time  he  said:  "General  McClel- 
lan  is  a  pleasant  and  scholarly  gentleman.  He  is  an 
admirable  engineer,  but  he  seems  to  have  a  special 
talent  for  a  stationary  engine." 

After  the  battle  of  Antietam  he  visited  the  army 
with  Hon.  O.  M.  Hatch,  a  former  Secretary  of  State 
of  Illinois.  He  arose  early  in  the  morning  and  with 
Mr.  Hatch  walked  out  upon  a  hill  and  looked  down 
upon  the  great  expense  of  white  tents  extending  as 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  As  they  looked  upon  the 
wonderful  scene  the  deepest  emotions  were  stirred 
within  them  as  they  thought  of  the  multitudes,  who 
were  already  sleeping  their  last  long  sleep  on  South 
ern  soil,  and  the  unknown  but  terrible  possibilities  of 
the  future.  The  President  suddenly  leaned  forward 
and  said  in  a  whisper: 

"  Hatch,  Hatch,  what  is  all  this?  " 

"Why,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  said  he,  "that  is  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac." 

The  President  hesitated  a  moment,  and  then  said: 
"  No,  Hatch,  no.  This  is  General  McClellan's  body 
guard." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  often  reproached  for  his  levity  and 
was  often  misjudged.  People  thought  that  he  had 
but  little  feeling  or  appreciation  of  the  gravity  of  the 
situation.  As  in  many  other  things  the  people  failed 
to  understand  the  character  of  their  President.  The 
stories  and  humorous  illustrations,  which  he  con 
stantly  used  in  his  conversation,  were  a  relief  to  him 
and  for  the  moment  diverted  his  mind  from  the  dis 
tressing  responsibilities  resting  upon  him,  and,  with- 


274  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

out  such  distraction,  the  burden  would  have  been  too 
great  for  him  to  bear.  Without  it  he  once  said  he 
should  die. 

He  realized  as  fully  as  any  one  the  necessity  of  some 
positive  movement  which  would  enable  the  army  to 
retrieve  its  former  defeats,  and,  despairing  of  any  in 
dependent  action  on  the  part  of  McClellan,  towards 
the  end  of  January,  1862,  he  issued  a  proclamation 
known  as  "  the  President's  General  Order,  No.  i," 
directing  a  general  onward  movement  of  the  whole 
army,  to  take  place  Feb.  22.  While  no  great  result 
followed,  it  indicated  the  temper  of  the  administra 
tion  and  tended  to  awaken  the  army  out  of  its  apa 
thy. 

General  Burnside's  lack  of  qualification  was  shown 
in  the  battle  of  Fredricksburg,  and  Chancellorsville 
revealed  the  same  in  regard  to  Hooker.  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  never  fully  approved  of  Hooker  and  when  he  ap 
pointed  him  cautioned  him  pointedly  against  the  repe 
tition  of  several  mistakes  which  he  believed  him  to  have 
previously  made.  The  news  of  Chancellorsville  was 
a  terrible  blow  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Still  his  main  thought 
was  for  its  effect  upon  the  country.  "  Oh,  what  will 
the  country  say,  what  will  the  country  say  ? "  was 
his  first  ejaculation.  The  country's  welfare,  not  his 
own,  was  always  in  his  heart,  and  for  that  was  his 
greatest  anxiety.  He  often  spoke  of  himself  as  the 
attorney  for  the  people,  and,  as  he  quaintly  expressed 
it,  "was'the  lead  horse  in  the  team  and  must  not  kick 
over  the  traces." 

He  found  himself  compelled  to  defend  his  policy 
to  his  friends,  and  to  that  end  made  speeches*  held 
interviews  and  wrote  letters,  explaining  and  justify- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  275 

ing  his  course.  He  felt  that  the  people  had  a  right 
to  know  everything  in  regard  to  his  measures  which 
could  be  divulged  without  injury  to  the  cause.  No 
President  has  been  more  indefatigable  in  his  efforts 
to  make  himself  understood  by  the  people.  He  was, 
in  a  measure,  compelled  to  resort  to  this  course  by  the 
open  opposition  of  his  political  enemies  and  the  con 
tinual  carping  of  those  who  should  have  been  his 
friends. 

He  was  frequently  called  upon  to  make  speeches  to 
the  troops  who  were  passing  through  the  city,  as  well 
as  to  delegations  of  citizens  who  were  continually  ap 
pealing  to  him  upon  some  subject.  Although  quick 
to  detect  insincerity  or  selfishness,  and  unsparing  in 
his  rebuke  of  it  and  frequently  manifesting  weari 
ness  or  impatience,  he  never  made  a  mistake  in  his 
speeches.  His  utterances  were  always  dignified  and 
pointed.  In  them  he  frequently  alluded  to  the  tren 
chant  points  of  his  policy,  especially  if  they  had  been 
criticised,  and  in  plain  terms  made  clear  the  points 
misunderstood  or  criticised  so  that  the  reasons  for 
his  actions  might  be  seen.  Although  he  seemed  to 
speak  extemporaneously,  he  generally  prepared  the 
principal  points  of  his  speech  with  great  care  in  order 
that  he  might  allow  no  unguarded  expression  to  es 
cape  his  lips. 

Not  one  of  the  least  elements  of  his  greatness  was 
this  power  of  saying  just  the  right  thing  at  the  right 
time,  and  the  fact  that  although  the  opportunities 
were  many  and  the  temptation  great,  he  never  in 
dulged  in  intemperate  language  or  said  anything  which 
would  in  the  end  prejudice  his  cause.  His  care  and 
painstaking  are  especially  shown  in  his  public  papers. 


276  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

No  President  has  left  behind  a  collection  of  more 
able  and  dignified  State-papers.  His  reasoning  was 
always  cogent  and  convincing.  He  had  a  way  of  get 
ting  at  the  important  features  of  a  matter  and  pre 
senting  them  clearly  in  a  few  words,  overriding  op 
position  and  carrying  conviction. 

During  the  whole  continuance  of  the  war  no  influ 
ence  was  more  potent  in  forming  and  directing  public 
sentiment  than  that  of  the  President.  The  country 
anxiously  scanned  his  utterances  and  awaited  the  ex 
pression  of  his  opinions  and  guided  their  actions  by 
them.  It  is  probably  not  too  much  to  say  that  no 
President  had  ever  before  exercised  so  powerful  an 
influence  in  the  halls  of  Congress  as  he.  His  mes 
sages  were  deemed  almost  oracular  and  his  advice 
was  eagerly  sought  by  both  Senators  and  Represent 
atives.  The  impress  of  his  thought  may  be  distinctly 
seen  upon  the  legislative  acts  of  his  administration 
and'is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  nation. 

In  his  message  of  December,  1862,  he  felt  called 
upon  to  demonstrate  the  utter  impracticability  of  the 
formation  of  two  Governments  upon  the  American 
continent,  and  never  was  the  foolishness  of  the 
attempt  to  sever  the  Union  more  conclusively  shown. 
It  may  be  that  at  this  trying  time  he  was  disheart 
ened  and  feared  that  the  North  might,  after  all,  be 
defeated  and  thus  sought  to  strengthen  the  hearts 
and  hands  not  only  of  Congress,  but  also  of  the  peo 
ple.  .He  said  : 

"...  That  portion  of  the  earth's  surface 
which  is  owned  and  inhabited  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  is  well  adapted  to  be  the  home  of  one 
national  family  ;  and  is  not  well  adapted  for  two  or 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  277 

more.  Its  vast  extent  and  its  variety  of  climate  and  pro 
ductions  are  of  advantage  in  this  age  for  one  people, 
whatever  they  may  have  been  in  former  ages.     Steam, 
telegraph  and  intelligence  have  brought  these  to  an 
advantageous    combination  for    one    united    people. 
.     .     .     .     There  is  no  line,  straight  or  crooked,  suita 
ble  for  a  national   boundary,  upon  which   to  divide. 
Trace    through    from  east    to    west    upon    the   line 
between  free  and  slave  territory  and  we  shall  find  a  lit 
tle  more  than  one  third  of  its  length  are  rivers,  easy 
to  be  crossed,  and  populated,  or  soon  to  be  populated, 
thickly  on  both  sides  ;  while  nearly  all  its  remaining 
length   are  merely   surveyors'  lines  over  which   the 
people  walk  back  and  forth  without  any  conscious 
ness  of  their  presence.     No  part  of  this  line  can  be 
made  any  more  difficult  to  pass  by  writing  it  down 
upon    paper    or    parchment    as   a    national     boun 
dary.     .     .     .     But  there  is  another  difficulty.     The 
great  interior  region  bounded   east   by  the  Allegha- 
nies,  north  by   the    British  Dominions,  west  by  the 
Rocky  Mountains  and  south  by  the  line  along  which 
the    culture  of  corn  and  cotton  meets,  already  has 
above  ten  millions  of  people  and  will  have  fifty  mil 
lions  within  fifty  years,  if  not  prevented  by  any  politi 
cal    folly    or   mistake.      It   contains  more   than  one- 
third  of  the  country  owned   by  the  United  States, 
certainly  more    than  one   million   square    miles.     A 
glance  at  the  map  shows,  that,  territorially  speaking, 
it  is  the  great  body  of  the  Republic.     The  other  parts 
are    but  marginal    borders    to  it.     The    magnificent 
region,    sloping  west  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to 
the  Pacific,  being  the  deepest  and  also  the  richest  in 
undeveloped  resources.     In  the  production  of  provi- 


278  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

sions,  grains,  grasses,  and  all  which  proceed  from 
them,  this  great  interior  region  is  naturally  one  of  the 
most  important  in  the  world.  .  .  .  And  yet  this 
region  has  no  seacoast,  touches  no  ocean  anywhere. 
As  a  part  of  one  nation  its  people  may  find,. and  may 
forever  find  their  way  to  Europe  by  New  York,  to 
South  America  and  Africa  by  New  Orleans  and  to 
Asia  by  San  Francisco.  But  separate  our  common 
country  into  two  nations,  as  designed  by  the  present 
rebellion,  and  every  man  of  this  great  interior  region 
is  thereby  cut  off  from  some  one  or  more  of  these 
outlets,  not  perhaps  by  a  physical  barrier  but  by 
embarrassing  and  onerous  trade  regulations." 

His  appreciation  of  the  services  rendered  by  Gen 
eral  Grant  was  keen.  Up  to  the  capture  of  Vicks- 
burg  it  had  not  been  satisfactorily  shown  whether 
Grant  was  a  great  general  or  whether  his  successes 
had  been  partly  the  result  of  circumstances.  But  the 
conquest  of  the  stronghold  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the 
presence  of  almost  insuperable  difficulties  proved  his 
metal.  The  knight  had  won  his  spurs.  The  eyes  of 
the  nation  were  turned  upon  him,  and  the  President 
became  convinced  that  at  last  he  had  found  the  man 
who  could  lead  the  armies  of  the  North  to  victory. 
There  were  strong  bonds  of  sympathy  between  the 
sorely  tried  President  and  the  plain  but  successful 
general.  They  were  both  men  of  the  people  who 
had  risen  to  commanding  positions  from  the  lower 
walks  of  life  by  the  force  of  sterling  character  and 
native  ability.  Each  retained  his  sympathy  with  the 
masses  and  utter  carelessness  for  all  the  pomp  and 
display  of  high  official  position.  Each  one  formed 
opinions  and  plans  deliberately  but  adhered  to  a 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  279 

principle  or  line  of  action,  once  adopted,  with  a  te 
nacity  that  at  times  amounted  almost  to  obstinacy. 
Each  was  unexcelled  in  the  sphere  to  which  the 
exigency  of  the  war  had  called  him.  Grant  leading 
the  great  armies  in  the  field  and  executing  long  and 
complicated  campaigns,  was  the  exact  complement 
of  Lincoln  directing  the  vast  affairs,  military,  politi 
cal  and  civil,  of  a  disrupted  country,  and  framing  and 
carrying  out  policies  requiring  the  most  consummate 
wisdom  and  tact.  Lincoln  had  followed  Grant's 
career  with  profound  interest  and  had  more  than 
once  congratulated  him  upon  his  achievements. 
After  the  relief  of  Knoxville,  in  December,  1863,  he 
said  in  a  letter  :  "  ...  I  wish  to  tender  you  and 
all  under  your  command  my  more  than  thanks,  my 
profoundest  gratitude  for  the  skill,  courage  and  per 
severance  with  which  you  and  they,  over  so  great 
difficulties,  have  accomplished  that  object.  May  God 
bless  you  all." 

Lincoln  never  hesitated  to  speak  in  highest  terms 
of  him.  Soon  after  the  capture  of  Vicksburg,  he 
said  :  "  I  guess  I  was  right  in  standing  by  Grant, 
although  there  was  a  great  pressure  made  after  Pitts- 
burg  Landing  to  have  him  removed.  I  thought  I  saw 
enough  in  Grant  to  convince  me  that  he  was  one 
upon  whom  the  country  could  depend.  That  *  uncon 
ditional  surrender  '  message  to  Btickner,  at  Donelson, 
suited  me.  It  indicated  the  spirit  of  the  man." 

It  was  not  until  Grant  had  been  appointed  Lieut- 
enant-General  that  Lincoln  first  saw  him.  He  was 
much  pleased  with  his  appearance,  and  afterwards 
commented  upon  his  unobtrusive  and  quiet  character, 
saying,  "  The  only  evidence  you  have  that  he  is  in 


280  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

any  place,  is  that  he  makes  things  git.  Wherever  he 
is  things  move." 

Being  afterwards  asked  for  his  estimate  of  Grant, 
he  said  that  he  was  the  first  general  he  had  had. 
His  other  generals  had  been  accustomed  to  form 
plans  for  campaigns  and  ask  him  to  shoulder  the 
responsibility  for  their  outcome;  "but,"  said  he, 
"  Grant  does  nothing  of  the  kind.  He  hasn't  told  me 
what  his  plans  are.  I  don't  know,  and  don't  want  to 
know.  I  am  glad  to  find  a  man  who  can  go  ahead 
without  me.  .  .  .  He  doesn't  ask  impossibilities  of 
me  and  he  is  the  first  general  I  have  had  that 
didn't.  The  great  thing  about  him  is  his  cool  persist 
ency  of  purpose.  He  is  not  easily  excited,  and  he 
has  the  grip  of  a  bulldog.  When  he  once  gets  his 
teeth  in,  nothing  can  shake  him  off." 

After  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  there  was  some  dissatis 
faction  manifested  by  captious  people,  because  Grant 
had  permitted  Pemberton's  men  to  leave  on  parole, 
to  re-enforce  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  as  they  said. 
A  delegation  of  these  men  visited  Lincoln  and  voiced 
their  complaint.  He  answered  with  a  characteristic 
story.  "  Have  you  ever  heard,"  said  he,  "  the  story 
of  Sykes'  dog?  Well,  I  must  tell  you  about  him. 

"  Sykes  had  a  yellow  dog  he  set  a  great  store  by; 
but  there  were  a  lot  of  small  boys  about  the  village 
and  that's  always  a  bad  thing  for  dogs,  you  know. 
These  boys  didn't  share  Sykes'  views  and  they  were 
not  disposed  to  let  the  dog  have  a  fair  show.  Even 
Sykes  had  to  admit  that  the  dog  was  getting  unpop 
ular  ;  in  fact,  it  was  soon  seen  that  there  was  a  prej 
udice  growing  up  against  that  dog  that  threatened 
to  wreck  all  his  future  prospects  in  life.  The  boys, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  281 

after  meditating  how  they  could  get  the  best  of  him, 
finally  fixed  upon  a  cartridge  with  a  long  fuse,  put 
the  cartridge  in  a  piece  of  meat  in  the  road  in  front 
of  Sykes'  door,  and  then  perched  themselves  on  the 
fence,  a  good  distance  off,  with  the  fuse  in  their  hands. 
Then  they  whistled  for  the  dog.  When  he  came  out 
he  scented  the  bait  and  bolted  the  meat,  cartridge 
and  all.  The  boys  touched  off  the  fuse  and  in  about 
a  second  a  report  came  from  that  dog  that  sounded 
like  a  clap  of  thunder.  Sykes  came  bouncing  out  of 
the  house  and  yelled, '  What's  up  ?  Anything  busted  ? ' 
And  looking  up,  he  saw  the  air  filled  with  pieces  of 
yellow  dog.  He  picked  up  the  biggest  piece  he 
ould  find — a  portion  of  the  back  with  the  tail  still 
hanging  to  it — and,  after  turning  it  around  and  look 
ing  it  all  over,  he  said  :  *  Well,  I  guess  he'll  never  be 
of  much  account  again — as  a  dog.'  And  I  guess 
Pemberton's  forces  will  never  be  of  much  account 
again — as  an  army."  1 

Grant's  opinion  of  Lincoln  was  most  favorable. 
Shortly  before  his  (Lincoln's)  death,  he  said  of  him  : 
"  I  regard  Lincoln  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  men. 
The  more  I  see  him  and  exchange  views  with  him 
the  more  he  impresses  me.  I  admire  his  courage  and 
respect  the  firmness  he  always  displays.  Many  think 
from  the  gentleness  of  his  character  that  he  has  a 
yielding  nature  ;  but  while  he  has  the  courage  to 
change  his  mind,  when  convinced  that  he  is  wrong, 
he  has  all  the  tenacity  of  purpose  which  could  be 
desired  in  a  great  statesman.  His  quickness  of  per 
ception  often  astonishes  me.  Long  before  the  state- 


Browne. 


282  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

merit  of  a  complicated  question  is  finished,  his  mind 
will  grasp  the  main  points,  and  he  will  seem  to 
comprehend  the  whole  subject  better  than  the  person 
who  is  telling  it.  He  will  rank  in  history  alongside 
of  Washington." 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  marked  the  turning  of 
the  tide.  It  was  the  decisive  struggle  which  was  to 
determine  the  future  of  the  land.  The  anxiety  of 
the  North  during  those  eventful  first  three  days  of 
July  was  intense  and  feverish.  Would  the  invasion 
be  turned  back  or  would  the  peaceful  regions  of  the 
North  be  devastated  by  the  cruel  hand  of  war. 
Would  Lee  be  checked  in  his  victorious  career,  or 
would  he  bear  the  St.  Andrew's  Cross  in  triumph 
over  the  blood-stained  soil  of  Gettysburg  and  plant  it 
in  the  heart  of  the  North  to  wave  over  burning 
cities  and  desolated  firesides. 

It  was  a  struggle  for  life  or  death,  and  the  gloomi 
est  forebodings  were  indulged  in  on  every  side.  The 
revulsion  of  feeling  which  occurred,  when  the  tele 
graph  announced  that  Lee  was  in  full  retreat,  and 
the  Union  army,  though  shattered,  was  victorious,  is 
past  description.  The  President  was  overwhelmed 
with  congratulations  and,  being  serenaded  on  the 
I  night  of  the  4th,  said:  "I  do  most  sincerely  thank 
I  Almighty  God  for  the  occasion  of  this  call.  .  .  . 
Eighty  odd  years  since,  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world,  a  nation,  by 
its  representatives,  assembled  and  declared  as  a  self- 
evident  truth,  that  all  men  are  created  equal.  That 
was  the  birthday  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
And  now,  at  this  last  Fourth  of  July  just  past,  we 
have  a  gigantic  rebellion,  at  the  bottom  of  which  is 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  283 

an  effort  to  overthrow  the  principle  that  all  men  are 
created  equal.  We  have  the  surrender  of  a  most  im 
portant  position,  and  an  army,  on  that  very  day." 

On  July  15,  he  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people 
in  which  he  referred  to  the  great  victory  that  had 
been  won  and  the  brightening  prospects  of  the  na 
tional  cause,  not  failing  to  speak  in  touching  words 
of  the  sorrow  and  suffering,  the  broken  homes  and 
stricken  hearts.  He  then  called  upon  the  people  to 
assemble,  August  4,  for  thanksgiving,  praise  and 
prayer,  and  to  render  homage  to  the  "  Divine  Maj 
esty"  for  the  wonderful  things  He  had  done  in  the 
nation's  behalf.  He  asked  the  loyal  people  to  pray 
that  the  hearts  of  the  insurgents  might  be  turned  to 
better  counsels,  and  the  officers  of  the  Government 
might  have  their  hands  upheld  and  their  judgments 
directed  by  divine  wisdom;  and  that  the  Great 
Father  might  console  and  comfort  the  stricken  ones, 
and  lead  the  nation  through  all  the  trials  and  vicissi 
tudes  of  war  to  unity  and  fraternal  peace. 

There  were  many  things  that  combined  to  make 
Gettysburg  the  most  notable  battle  of  the  war.  It 
was  the  only  great  battle  that  was  fought  on  North 
ern  soil,  and  was  the  most  stubbornly  contested. 
Deeds  of  individual  valor  and  daring,  such  as  grace 
the  annals  of  chivalry,  were  here  performed  in  count 
less  numbers.  There  was  hardly  a  community  in  the 
North  which  did  not  feel  a  sense  of  personal  bereave 
ment,  when  Gettysburg  was  mentioned.  The  tear- 
dimmed  eyes  of  a  great  people  were  turned  towards 
its  fields  and  hills  rendered  sacred  by  the  precious 
blood  in  which  it  was  baptized.  Hence  it  was  pecul 
iarly  fit  that  the  spot  should  be  chosen  as  the  site  of 


284  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

a  great  national  cemetery,  where  the  Nation's  dead, 
the  soldiers,  who  had  offered  up  their  lives  on  her 
altars,  might  sleep  their  last  sleep.  And  where  the 
serried  columns  of  armed  men  once  stood  in  martial 
array,  now  stretches  long  avenues  of  funeral  mounds, 
with  their  white  headboards,  recording  the  simple 
annals  of  the  dead  or  marking  the  resting-places  of 
those  whose  names  earth  has  long  since  forgotten, 
but  whose  deeds  shall  be  remembered  as  long  as  the 
"Stars  and  Stripes"  wave  over  an  united  country. 
Where  once  the  roar  of  battle  convulsed  the  earth  and 
echoed  through  the  air,  is  now  heard  the  song  of 
birds  and  the  soft  moaning  of  winds.  Once,  a  pall  of 
sulphurous  smoke,  lit  up  by  the  cannon's  glare,  now 
the  clear  blue  sky  or  the  summer  clouds  gently 
weeping  o'er  the  slain! 

It  is  fitting,  too,  that  the  great  commonwealths  of 
the  North  should  erect  obelisks  and  monuments  to 
commemorate  the  resting-place  of  their  heroes,  until 
the  great  mausoleum  shall  become  the  most  hallowed 
spot  on  American  soil,  save  only  that  place  where  the 
Pilgrims  first  landed  to  found  a  nation,  for  whose 
maintenance  these  Boys  in  Blue  so  bravely  died. 

On  the  igth  of  November,  the  cemetery  was  dedi 
cated,  with  solemn  and  imposing  ceremonies.  The 
President  and  his  Cabinet  were  present,  together  with 
Members  of  Congress,  Governors  and  the  representa 
tives  of  foreign  Powers.  The  principal  address  was 
delivered  by  Edward  Everett,  one  of  the  most  accom 
plished  scholars  and  eloquent  speakers  of  the  day. 
His  oration  was  long  and  masterly  and  the  audience 
did  homage  to  the  polished  orator,  whose  faultless 
style  and  flowing  sentences  excited  a  feeling  of 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  285 

admiration  for  the  living  speaker  as  well  as  for  the 
voiceless  dead.  After  the  oration  was  ended  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  called  upon  to  speak.  He  had  bestowed 
but  little  time  and  thought  upon  his  speech.  On  the 
cars,  while  on  his  way  to  the  battlefield,  he  had  called 
for  a  pencil  and  piece  of  paper  and  had  hastily 
written  out  the  few  sentences  which  were  destined  to 
produce  so  profound  an  impression.  He  arose  slowly, 
adjusted  his  spectacles  and,  with  his  whole  frame 
quivering  with  emotion  and  his  voice  shrill  and 
penetrating,  read  the  following  address  : 

"  Four  score  and  seven  years  ago,  our  fathers 
brought  forth  upon  this  continent  a  new  nation,  con 
ceived  in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged 
in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or 
any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long 
endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that 
war.  We  are  met  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  it  as  the 
final  resting-place  of  those  who  here  gave  their  lives 
that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting 
and  proper  that  we  should  do  this. 

"  But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate — we  can 
not  consecrate — we  cannot  hallow  this  ground.  The 
brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have 
consecrated  it  far  above  our  power  to  add  or  detract. 
The  world  will  little  note  nor  long  remember  what 
we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did 
here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated 
here  to  the  unfinished  work  that  they  have  thus  far 
so  nobly  carried  on.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here 
dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that 
from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion 


286  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

to  the  cause  for  which  they  here  gave  the  last  full 
measure  of  devotion,  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that 
the  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain  ;  that  the  nation 
shall,  under  God,  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom  ;  and 
that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for 
.the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

But  a  few  minutes  were  necessary  for  the  address, 
yet,  never  before  had  words  so  wrought  upon  the 
feelings  of  an  audience.  The  devotion  and  self-for- 
getfulness  of  the  simple  man  before  them,  himself  the 
central  figure  of  the  scene,  as  he  was  the  inspiration 
of  the  whole  people,  affected  them  as  the  words  of 
the  polished  orator  had  not. 

As  Mr.  Lincoln  finished  amid  the  tears  and  sobs 
and  cheers  of  the  audience,  he  turned  to  Mr.  Everett 
and,  grasping  him  by  the  hand,  warmly  congratulated 
him  upon  his  oration,  seemingly  unconscious  that 
he  had  himself  said  anything  worthy  of  note.  "  Ah, 
Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Everett,  "how  gladly  would 
I  exchange  all  my  hundred  pages  to  have  been  the 
author  of  your  twenty  lines'!  "  Though  short,  the 
address  ranks  as  one  of  the  greatest  American  classics, 
and  as  such  it  is  recognized  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
The  Westminster  Review  said  of  it : 

"  It  has  but  one  equal,  in  that  pronounced  upon 
those  who  fell  in  the  first  year  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  and  in  one  respect  it  is  superior  to  that  great 
speech.  It  is  not  only  more  natural,  fuller  of  feeling, 
more  touching  and  pathetic,  but  we  know  with  abso 
lute  certainty  that  it  was  really  delivered.  Nature 
here  takes  precedence  of  art — even  though  it  be  the 
art  of  Thucydides." 

A  great  meeting  of  all  Union  men  in  Illinois  was 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  287 

called  to  assemble  at  the  State  Capitol,  September  3, 
1863,  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  Union  sen 
timent  and  upholding  the  hands  of  the  administration. 
The  movement  was  timely  and  grateful  to  the  Presi 
dent.  It  seems  almost  incomprehensible  that  many 
of  his  worst  enemies  should  have  been  found  in  the 
ranks  of  his  professed  friends,  yet  such  was  the  case. 
Open  opposition  and  honest  criticism  every  public 
official  must  expect,  but  he  has  a  right  to  the  earnest, 
unreserved  support  of  those  who  have  raised  him  to 
the  position  of  responsibility  which  he  may  occupy, 
just  so  long  as  he  shall  honorably  fulfill  the  duties  of 
that  office  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  Even  though  he 
shall  prove  himself  unfitted  naturally  for  the  position, 
a  lack  of  support  will  only  aggravate  the  difficulty  of 
the  situation.  What  then  shall  be  said  of  numerous 
influential  men,  who  assisted  to  raise  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
the  Presidency  and  then  afterwards,  because  of 
differences  of  opinion,  deliberately  sought  to  break 
down  his  influence  and  prejudice  the  people  against 
him. 

The  opposition  of  such  men  as  Horace  Greeley, 
whose  patriotism  and  honesty  of  purpose  were 
undoubted,  though  captious  and  annoying,  could  be 
forgiven.  But  there  were  multitudes  of  men,  more  or 
less  influential,  who  never  lost  an  opportunity  to 
assail  him  and  his  policy,  by  open  attack  or  secret 
innuendo;  they  were  scattered  throughout  the  country 
and  were  found  even  in  the  halls  of  Congress,  where 
opposition  might  be  made  especially  embarrassing  to 
the  President.  As  the  Hon.  A.  G.  Riddle,  of  Ohio, 
once  aptly  said  in  a  speech  : 

u  The  outspoken  comments  here  and  elsewhere  have 


288  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

at  least  the  merit  of  boldness  ;  but  what  shall  be 
said  of  that  muttering,  unmanly,  yet  swelling  under 
current  of  complaining  criticism,  that  reflects  upon  the 
President,  his  motives  and  capacity,  so  freely  indulged 
in  by  men  having  the  public  confidence?  Whisper 
ings  and  complainings  and  doubtings  and  misgivings 
and  exclamations,  predictions  by  men  who  are  never 
so  happy  as  when  they  can  gloat  o^er  the  sum  of  our 
disasters,  which  they  charge  over  to  the  personal 
account  of  the  President." 

In  the  midst  of  such  opposition  it  was  more  than 
pleasant  for  the  President  to  receive  assurances  of 
confidence  and  hearty  support  from  the  people  of  his 
own  State  by  whom  he  was  best  known.  Two  years 
and  a  half  had  passed  since  he  had  left  Illinois. 
During  that  time  his  neighbors  had  eagerly  watched 
his  career  and  observed  with  surprise  the  ability  he 
displayed  in  coping  with  the  adverse  circumstances 
that  were  constantly  closing  around  him.  It  was 
with  constant  astonishment  that  they  watched  the 
development  of  the  greatness  of  his  character.  No 
where  had  he  more  ardent  supporters  tnan  among 
these,  his  old  time  friends.  On  the  other  hand  he 
delighted  in  the  revival  of  old  memories  and  always 
greeted  with  hearty  cordialty  any  of  his  Illinois 
friends.  He  earnestly  desired  their  approval  and 
rejoiced  when  he  received  evidences  of  it. 

He  was  deeply  disappointed  that  his  duties  in 
Washington  would  not  permit  him  to  be  present  at 
the  September  meeting  and  sent  a  long  letter  in 
which  he  gave  his  neighbors  and  friends  a  simple, 
frank  and  complete  exposition  of  his  principles, 
showing  that  he  both  desired  and  merited  their  confi- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  289 

dence.  In  the  course  of  the  letter  he  said  :  "  There 
are  those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  me.  To  such  I 
would  say  :  You  desire  peace,  and  you  blame  me  that 
we  do  not  have  it.  But  how  can  we  attain  it  ?  There 
are  but  three  conceivable  ways  :  First — to  suppress 
the  rebellion  by  force  of  arms.  This  I  am  trying  to 
do.  Are  you  for  it  ?  If  you  are,  so  far  we  are  agreed. 
If  you  are  not  for  it,  a  second  way  is  to  give  up  the 
Union.  I  am  against  this.  Are  you  for  it  ?  If  you 
are,  you  should  say  so  plainly.  If  you  are  not  for 
force  nor  yet  for  dissolution,  there  only  remains  some 
imaginable  compromise.  I  do  not  believe  that  any 
compromise,  embracing  the  maintenance  of  the 
Union,  is  now  possible.  All  that  I  learn  leads  to  a 
directly  opposite  belief.  The  strength  of  the  rebel 
lion,  is  its  military,  its  army.  That  army  dominates 
all  the  country  and  all  the  people  within  its  range. 
Any  offer  of  terms  made  by  any  man  or  men  within 
that  range,  in  opposition  to  that  army,  is  simply 
nothing  for  the  present,  because  such  man  or  men 
have  no  power  whatever  to  enforce  their  side  of  the 
compromise,  if  one  were  made  with  them.  .  .  . 
You  dislike  the  emancipation  proclamation,  and  per 
haps  would  have  it  retracted.  You  say  it  is  uncon 
stitutional.  I  think  differently.  I  think  the  Consti 
tution  invests  its  Commander-in-Chief  with  the  law 
of  war  in  time  of  war.  The  most  that  can  be  said,  if 
so  much,  is,  that  slaves  are  property.  Is  there,  has 
there  ever  been,  any  question  that  by  the  law  of  war, 
property,  both  of  enemies  and  friends,  may  be  taken 
when  needed  ?  And  is  it  not  needed  whenever  it 
helps  us  and  hurts  the  enemy?  Armies,  the  world 
over,  destroy  enemies'  property  when  they  cannot 


2QO  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

use  it  ;  and  even  destroy  their  own  to  keep  it  from 
the  enemy.  Civilized  belligerents  do  all  in  their 
power  to  help  themselves  or  to  hurt  the  enemy, 
except  a  few  things  regarded  as  barbarous  or  cruel. 
Among  the  exceptions  are  the  massacre  of  vanquished 
foes  and  non-combatants,  male  and  female.  .  .  . 
The  signs  look  better.  The  *  Father  of  Waters  '  again 
goesunvexed  to  the  sea.  Thanks  to  the  great  North 
west  for  it  ;  nor  yet  wholly  to  them.  Three  hundred 
miles  up  they  met  New  England,  Empire,  Keystone 
and  Jersey,  hemming  their  way  right  and  left.  The 
sunny  South,  too,  in  more  colors  than  one,  also  lent  a 
helping  hand.  On  the  spot  their  part  of  the  history 
was  jotted  down  in  black  and  white.  The  job  was  a 
great  national  one  and  let  none  be  slighted  who  bore 
an  honorable  part  in  it.  ...  Peace  does  not 
appear  so  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will  come  soon 
and  come  to  stay  ;  and  so  come  as  to  be  worth  the 
keeping  in  all  future  time.  It  will  then  have  been 
proved  that  among  freemen  there  can  be  no  success 
ful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the  bullet,  and  that  they 
who  take  such  appeal  are  sure  to  lose  their  cause  and 
pay  the  cost.  And  there  will  be  some  black  men, 
who  can  remember  that  with  silent  tongue,  and  clinch 
ed  teeth  and  steady  eye  and  well-poised  bayonet,  they 
have  helped  mankind  on  to  this  great  consummation, 
while  I  fear  there  will  be  some  white  ones  unable  to 
forget  that,  with  malignant  heart  and  deceitful  speech 
they  have  striven  to  hinder  it.  Still  let  us  not  be 
over-sanguine  of  a  speedy,  final  triumph.  Let  us  be 
quite  sober.  Let  us  diligently  apply  the  means, 
never  doubting  that  a  just  God,  in  His  own  good 
time,  will  give  us  a  rightful  result." 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  291 

The  letter  was  enthusiastically  received  and  heartily 
indorsed.  Its  hopeful  spirit  was  infectious  ;  its  calm 
logic  was  convincing,  and  the  Illinois  Convention 
sent  back  its  congratulations  and  its  prayers  for  the 
success  of  the  cause.  Not  alone  on  the  broad  prairies 
of  Illinois  was  this  letter  read,  but  from  east  to  west 
it  went,  with  its  cheering  message,  and  everywhere 
was  confidence  in  the  final  outcome  renewed, 
and  a  more  cheerful  view  taken  of  existing  cir 
cumstances.  Still  more  was  this  feeling  fostered 
and  strengthened  by  the  Thanksgiving  proclamation 
of  October  3. 

As  time  passes  on  the  words  of  Lincoln  are  assum 
ing  more  and  more  significance  and  are  perused  with 
an  increasing  interest.  Many  writers  conceal  their 
personality  and  give  no  single  glimpse  of  it  in  their 
works.  This  is  necessarily  not  the  case  with  Lincoln. 
For  while  he  has  left  behind  a  great  many  works  of 
literary  merit,  he  did  not  distinctly  enter  the  field  of 
literature.  The  occasions  that  called  forth  his  pro 
ductions  and  the  productions  themselves  were  of  such 
a  character  as  to  call  out  more  or  less  of  his  opinions 
and  personality.  While  his  autobiography  was  never 
written,  his  published  works  afford  a  better  ground 
for  character-study  than  the  story  of  his  life  other 
wise.  In  view  of  this  fact  no  biography  is  complete 
which  does  not  contain  copious  selections  from  his 
own  words.  His  October  proclamation  contains 
many  noteworthy  sentiments,  a  few  of  which  are 
quoted  below  : 

"  The  year  that  is  drawing  towards  its  close  has 
been  filled  with  the  blessings  of  fruitful  fields  and 
healthful  skies.  To  these  bounties,  which  are  so  con- 


2Q2  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

stantly  enjoyed  that  we  are  prone  to  forget  the 
source  from  which  they  come,  others  have  been  added 
which  are  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature  that  they  can- 
!  not  fail  to  penetrate  and  soften  even  the  heart  which 
is  habitually  insensible  to  the  ever-watchful  provi 
dence  of  Almighty  God.  In  the  midst  of  a  civil  war 
of  unequalled  magnitude  and  severity,  which  has 
sometimes  seemed  to  invite  and  provoke  the  aggres 
sion  of  foreign  States,  peace  has  been  preserved  with 
all  nations,  order  has  been  maintained,  the  laws  have 
been  respected  and  obeyed,  and  harmony  has  every 
where  prevailed,  except  in  the  theatre  of  military  con 
flict,  while  that  theatre  has  been  constantly  contracted 
by  the  advancing  armies  and  navies  of  the  United 
States.  .  .  .  Population  has  steadily  increased  not 
withstanding  the  waste  that  has  been  made  in  the 
camp,  the  siege  and  the  battlefield  ;  and  the  country, 
rejoicing  in  the  consciousness  of  augmented  strength 
and  vigor,  is  permitted  to  expect  a  continuance  of 
years  with  a  large  increase  of  freedom.  No  human 
counsel  hath  devised,  nor  hath  any  mortal  hand  worked 
.out  these  great  things.  They  are  the  gracious  gifts 
i  of  the  most  high  God,  who,  while  dealing  with  us  in 
anger  for  our  sins,  hath  nevertheless  remembered 
mercy.  It  has  seemed  to  me  fit  and  proper  that  they 
should  be  solemnly,  reverently  and  gratefully 
acknowledged,  as  with  one  heart  and  voice,  by  the 
whole  American  people." 

The  President,  had  awaited  anxiously  the  Fall  elec 
tions  of  1863,  for  their  result  would  proclaim  the 
popular  verdict  upon  his  policy.  The  general  drift  of 
public  opinion  could  be  readily  discerned  in  the 
larger  places,  but  the  pulse  of  the  great  agricultural 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  293 

districts  could  not  be  so  readily  felt,  hence  the  party 
leaders  awaited  the  result  with  much  anxiety.  The 
news  was  more  than  reassuring  and  showed  that  the 
nation  reposed  abiding  confidence  in  its  rulers  and 
their  ability.  Every  State  gave  large  majorities  for 
the  Republican  tickets,  except  New  Jersey.  In  Ohio 
the  notorious  Vallandigham  was  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Governor  and  was  defeated  Ly  over  one 
hundred  thousand  majority.  When  the  news  was 
announced  to  Lincoln  he  telegraphed  back  the  words: 
"  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest !  Ohio  has  saved  the 
Nation." 

The  name  of  Lincoln  is  inseparably  connected  with 
the  abolition  of  American  slavery.  While,  owing  to 
the  stress  of  circumstances,  he  had  issued  the  proc 
lamation  of  emancipation,  it  was  contrary  to  his 
often-expressed  belief  as  to  the  best  method  of  deal 
ing  with  the  evil.  As  a  war  measure  the  proclama 
tion  was  a  success,  but  could  not  be  permanent  and 
complete  in  its  results.  Until  it  should  become  a 
part  of  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  the  doom  of 
American  slavery  would  not  be  sealed.  The  only  way 
to  accomplish,  this  was  by  securing  a  constitutional 
amendment.  On  February  10,  1864,  Senator  Trum- 
bull,  the  old-time  political  friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
introduced  into  the  Senate  what  was  destined  to 
be  known  as  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  ARTICLE  XIII,  Section  i.— Neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for 
crime,  whereof  the  parties  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States  or  any 
place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 


294  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

"  Section  2. — Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce 
this  article  by  appropriate  legislation." 

The  question  was  long  and  ably  discussed  and 
finally  passed  the  Senate,  April  8,  1864,  by  a  vote  of 
38  to  6.  In  the  House  the  hostility  to  the  bill  was 
pronounced  and  uncompromising.  For  nearly  three 
months  the  battle  was  waged  and  finally  lost  as  the 
vote  did  not  show  a  necessary  two-thirds  majority. 
Lincoln  was  disappointed  at  the  result  and  feared 
that  the  cause  of  freedom  had  received  a  serious  set 
back.  In  his  annual  message,  December  5,  1864,  he 
declared  himself  to  be  uncompromisingly  in  favor  of 
the  bill,  and  urged  that  Congress  take  immediate  and 
favorable  action  upon  it.  He  closed  by  saying  that 
whatever  should  be  the  action  of  Congress,  he  would 
not  retract  or  nullify  the  emancipation  proclamation, 
nor  would  he  retire  from  his  position  on  the  subject. 
If  the  people  desired  to  return  the  former  slaves  to 
servitude  he  would  not  be  the  instrument  to  do  it. 
He  did  not  content  himself  with  simply  urging  this 
matter  in  his  message,  but  he  personally  sought  to 
induce  the  opponents  of  the  measure  to  change  their 
votes.  He  was  entirely  committed  to  the  measure 
and  determined  to  use  his  whole  influence  to  secure 
its  adoption,  and  this  time  he  was  not  disappointed. 
January  13,  the  bill  passed  by  more  than  the  requisite 
majority,  and  the  amendment  was  now  ready  to  be 
presented  to  the  States  for  their  ratification  or  rejec 
tion.  The  feelings  of  Lincoln  can  hardly  be  appre 
ciated.  At  last  the  crowning  achievement  of  his  life 
was  to  be  perpetuated  in  the  organic  laws  of  the  Na 
tion,  which  was  destined  once  more,  as  the  fruit  of  his 
labors,  to  be  united  and  harmonious.  Well  might  he  say: 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  295 

"  The  great  job  is  ended.  The  occasion  is  one  of 
congratulation,  and  I  cannot  but  congratulate  all  pres 
ent,  myself,  the  country  and  the  whole  world  upon 
this  great  moral  victory." 

The  work  thus  begun  he  never  saw  completed.  On 
December  18,  1865,  Secretary  Seward  made  proclama 
tion  that  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  had  been  rati 
fied  by  the  requisite  number  of  States,  and  hence  had 
become  a  part  of  the  organic  law.  Thus  was  the 
great  revolution,  begun  with  bullet  and  blood,  irrev 
ocably  settled  and  established  by  the  ballot.  But 
its  illustrious  leader,  the  "  defender  of  the  Constitu 
tion  ,"  never  lived  to  see  the  result.  Already  the 
shadow  was  approaching  and  wrapping  the  doomed 
President  in  its  folds.  His  work  was  nearly  done  ;  a 
few  more  victories  and  defeats;  a  few  more  anxieties 
and  wearying  cares,  and  then  the  triumph.  His 
work  had  been  well  done,  and  the  results  were  sub 
stantial  and  permanent. 

From  the  time  when  he  had  been  brought  first  into 
contact  with  the  horrors  of  the  system,  in  New 
Orleans,  to  the  time  when  the  last  blow  had  been 
struck  and  its  doom  sounded,  he  had  been  more  or 
less  active  in  opposition  to  it.  Not  with  the  opposi 
tion  of  the  fanatic,  who  would  achieve  his  ends  at 
any  sacrifice  of  justice  and  happiness,  but  rather  with 
the  feelings  of  a  patriot  who  recognized  the  enormity 
of  the  evil,  but  would  suppress  it  by  just  and  lawful 
measures.  He  had  not  plunged  into  the  struggle 
suddenly,  without  preparation,  but  was  rather  led 
gradually  up  to  it  by  the  irresistible  logic  of  events 
which,  all  unseen  and  unrecognized,  was  gradually 
fitting  him  for,  an4  advancing  him  to  the  great 


296  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

career  which  was  destined  to  place  his  name  among 
the  few  great  liberators  of  earth. 

It  is  said  that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
can  have  no  domestic  life  ;  that  he  is  so  constantly 
and  prominently  in  public,  that  the  opportunities  for 
privacy  and  retirement  with  his  family,  which  the 
ordinary  citizen  enjoys,  are  entirely  lacking  for  him. 
Nor  is  this  to  any  large  extent  untrue  of  Lincoln. 
Even  before  he  became  President  he  was  so  con 
stantly  engaged  in  business  that  occupied  him  away 
from  home,  that  his  homelife  was  limited  and  unsatis 
fying.  No  doubt  this  was  increased  by  a  certain  lack 
of  congenialty  and  harmony  of  tastes.  In  his  family 
he  was  always  kind  and  forbearing,  patient  with  his 
children,  almost  to  the  verge  of  indulgence.  He  knew 
nothing  about  severe  discipline  and  could  never  bear 
to  see  his  children  punished.  He  loved  them  with 
all  the  strength  of  his  great  heart,  and  when  one  of 
them,  William  Wallace,  died  in  the  White  House,  he 
could  hardly  be  comforted.  During  the  latter  years 
of  the  war,  Robert  was  away  at  college,  leaving  only 
Thomas,  or  "  Tad,"  as  he  was  universally  called,  at 
home.  He  was  a  general  favorite  everywhere,  and 
free  to  go  and  come  as  he  pleased.  His  father  was 
never  too  busy  to  welcome  him,  nor  too  tired  and 
weary  to  enjoy  his  companionship.  They  frequently 
took  long  walks  together,  and  more  than  once  Tad 
accompanied  his  father  while  reviewing  troops,  and 
the  boy  was  generally  received  with  as  much  enthu 
siasm  as  his  father.  He  even  had  free  entrance  into 
the  Cabinet  meetings  which  he  more  than  once  inter 
rupted  with  some  tale  of  childish  woe. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  possessed  of  a  wonderfully  reten- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  297 

live  memory.  If  he  liked  anything,  after  once  read 
ing  or  hearing  it,  "  it  just  seemed  to  stick."  He 
delighted  especially  in  poetry,  and  could  repeat 
poems,  that  struck  his  fancy,  after  once  hearing  them. 
Shakespeare  was  his  especial  favorite.  Early  in  the 
war,  in  company  with  a  number  of  Cabinet  officers 
he  visited  Fortress  Monroe,  and,  on  his  way  down  the 
river,  he  sat  for  hours  repeating  from  memory  the 
finest  passages  of  Shakespeare's  works,  page  after 
page  of  Browning  and  whole  cantos  of  Byron,  to  the 
intense  surprise  of  his  auditors.  He  was  not  a  Latin 
scholar  and  was  not  ashamed  to  acknowledge  his 
ignorance  and  he  once  stated  that  he  had  never  read 
an  entire  novel  in  his  life. 

As  the  duties  of  his  position  began  to  weigh  more 
heavily  upon  him  and  his  trials  and  perplexities  con 
tinued  to  increase,  he  came  more  and  more  to  look  to 
Divine  Providence  for  aid  and  strength.  Feeling  the 
insufficiency  of  his  own  powers,  and  noting  the 
perils  which  assailed  the  nation  on  every  side,  he 
early  recognized  the  fact  that  there  was  no  help  in 
man,  that  God  alone  could  rescue  the  nation  by  his 
providence.  He  not  only  possessed  the  true  spirit  of 
religion,  but  so  far  as  possible  he  observed  its  require 
ments  and  ordinances.  The  following  proclamation 
in  regard  to  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  by  the 
army  well  illustrates  this  point. 

"  The  President,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  desires  and  enjoins  the  orderly  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  by  the  officers  and  men  in  the  military 
and  naval  service.  The  importance  to  man  and  beast 
of  the  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the  sacred  rights 
of  Christian  soldiers  and  sailors,  a  becoming  defer- 


298  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

ence  to  the  best  sentiment  of  Christian  people,  and  a 
due  regard  for  the  Divine  Will,  demand  that  Sunday 
labor  in  the  army  and  navy  be  reduced  to  the  measure 
of  strict  necessity.  The  discipline  and  character  of  the 
national  forces  should  not  suffer,  nor  the  cause  they 
defend  be  imperiled  by  the  profanation  of  the  day 
or  name  of  the  Most  High.  'At  the  time  of  public 
distress,'  adopting  the  words  of  Washington  in  1776, 
1  men  may  find  enough  to  do  in  the  service  of  their 
God  and  their  country,  without  abandoning  them 
selves  to  vice  and  immorality.'  The  first  general 
order  ever  issued  by  the  *  Father  of  his  Country,' 
after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  indicates  the 
spirit  in  which  our  institutions  were  founded  and 
should  ever  be  defended  :  *  the  General  hopes  and 


I 
ing  the  dearest  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country.' 


trusts  that  every  officer  and   man  will   endeavor  to 
live  and  act  as  becomes  a  Christian  soldier  defend- 


CHAPTER   XX. 

THE  approach  of  the  national  elections  in  the 
autumn  of  1864  was  viewed  with  grave  apprehensions 
by  patriotic  men  generally.  The  heated  campaigns 
incident  upon  a  general  election  always  have  a  depres 
sing  effect  upon  trade  and  in  many  localities,  especi 
ally  where  the  opposing  parties  are  of  nearly  equal 
strength,  a  spirit  of  rivalry  and  jealousy  is  engen 
dered  that  sometimes  leads  to  serious  results.  It  is  a 
trying  ordeal  for  a  country  to  pass  through  even  when 
everything  is  in  a  normal  condition.  How  much 
more  trying,  then,  when  in  the  midst  of  civil  war, 
when  business  is  interfered  with,  resources  taxed  to 
the  uttermost  and  evil  passions  and  distrust  excited, 
in  a  struggle  with  a  captious  minority  which  was 
bitterly  hostile  to  an  administration  whose  every 
energy  was  engaged  in  the  prosecution  of  the  greatest 
war  of  the  century.  Every  one  realized  that  the 
coming  election  would  be  the  severest  test  to  which 
republican  institutions  had  ever  been  subjected. 
Could  they  stand  the  test  ?  Patriotic  citizens  hoped 
for  the  best  but  feared  the  worst,  hence,  as  the  season 
approached,  a  feeling  of  gloomy  apprehension  over 
spread  the  North  and  infected  many  of  the  leaders 
with  a  fear  approaching  a  panic. 

Meantime  he,  who  was  personally  most  interested 

(299) 


300  ABRAHAM   -LINCOLN. 

in  the  outcome  of  the  election,  seemed  to  be  the  least 
concerned  in  regard  to  its  dangers.  This  was  not 
because  he  was  insensible  to  them  but  because  he  had 
an  abiding  faith  in  Providence  and  the  American 
people  and  he  believed  that  their  better  sense  and  the 
strength  of  the  Constitution  would  triumph  over  all 
dangers.  While  he  was  anxious  for  a  re-election  and 
would  have  been  deeply  wounded  if  he  had  failed  to 
receive  it,  he  yet  was  ready  to  surrender  his  claims 
whenever  the  welfare  of  the  country  seemed  to 
demand  it.  He  desired  a  re-election  both  as  showing 
the  approval  of  his  past  actions  by  the  people  and  to 
give  him  the  opportunity  of  completing  the  arduous 
labors  which  had  occupied  his  attention  during  his 
first  term.  He  said  to  a  friend,  in  speaking  on  the 
subject,  before  the  Baltimore  Convention,  that  J  "he 
was  not  quite  sure  whether  he  desired  a  renomination. 
Such  had  been  the  responsibilities  of  the  office — so 
oppressive  had  he  found  its  cares,  so  terrible  its  per 
plexities — that  he  felt  as  though  the  moment,  when 
he  could  relinquish  the  burden  and  retire  to  private 
life,  would  be  the  sweetest  he  could  possibly  experi 
ence.  But,  he  said,  he  would  not  deny  that  a  re-elec 
tion  would  also  have  its  gratification  to  his  feelings. 
He  did  not  seek  it,  nor  would  he  do  so  ;  he  did  not 
desire  it  for  any  ambitious  or  selfish  purpose,  but 
after  the  crisis  the  country  was  passing  through  under 
his  Presidency,  and  the  efforts  he  had  made  conscien 
tiously  to  discharge  the  duties  imposed  upon  him,  it 
would  be  a  very  sweet  satisfaction  to  him  to  know 
that  he  had  secured  the  approval  of  his  fellow-citi- 


1  Browne. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  3OI 

zens,  and  earned  the  highest  testimonial  of  confidence 
they  could  bestow." 

There  was  a  strong  opposition  to  his  candidacy 
manifesting  itself  within  the  party.  This  opposition, 
which  amounted  almost  to  hostility,  centred  in 
Horace  Greeley  and  his  paper,  the  New  York  Tribune. 
This  paper  circulated  widely  through  the  rural  dis 
tricts  and  probably  was  more  influential  than  any 
other  paper  published  in  America.  Mr.  Greeley 
believed  that  the  war  was  being  unnecessarily  pro 
longed  and  that  blood  and  treasure  were  being  need 
lessly  expended.  He  appealed  again  and  again  to  the 
President,  beseeching  him  to  make  peace  by  compro 
mise  or  concession,  anything  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  which  was  exhausting  the  "  poor,  suffering,  dis 
tracted  country."  Had  his  counsel  been  heeded  the 
war  would  have  been  stopped  on  the  verge  of  its  tri 
umphant  issue  ;  the  country  would  have  been  divided 
and  all  the  fruits  of  the  terrible  struggle  would  have 
been  lost.  But  the  Tribune  went  on  its  daily  and 
weekly  mission  sowing  the  seeds  of  distrust  and  appre 
hension  and  doing  much  to  enhance  the  difficulty  of 
the  situation.  Mr.  Greeley,  however,  was  not  the  only 
prominent  party-leader  to  withdraw  his  confidence 
and  support  from  the  President.  The  seeds  of  dis 
affection  were  sown  in  his  very  Cabinet.  Mr.  Chase, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  long  been  ambi 
tious  to  be  Mr.  Lincoln's  successor.  He  had  adminis 
tered  the  affairs  of  the  Treasury  with  signal  ability. 
As  a  financier  he.  had  shown  himself  incomparable. 
Not  Necker  nor  Calonne  found  greater  problems  to 
deal  with  than  did  Chase,  and  the  European  bankers 
met  with  failure  where  the  American  minister  tri- 


302  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

umphed  over  the  entangled  and  almost  hopeless  state 
of  affairs  with  which  he  was  compelled  to  cope.  Not 
only  had  he  rendered  distinguished  services  in  the 
Treasury  Department,  but  he  was  recognized  as  the 
most  stalwart  champion  of  the  Abolition  party. 
Severe  and  uncompromising,  he  hated  with  righteous 
hatred  both  slavery  and  the  slaveholder,  both  sin  and 
the  sinner.  Moreover,  his  character  was  far  more 
self-centred  than  that  of  the  President,  leading  him 
to  do  full  credit  to  his  own  transcendent  abilities  and  in 
some  instances  to  disparage  those  of  his  rivals.  He  had 
early  conceived  the  idea  of  becoming  a  candidate,  in 
opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  for  the  Republican  nom 
ination,  and  he  used  all  the  tremendous  influence  of 
his  great  office  to  further  his  ambition.  His  self- 
aggrandizing  effort:  early  came  to  the  notice  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  but  he  magnanimously  refused  to  take 
notice  of  them,  preferring  to  leave  the  whole  matter 
to  the  decision  of  the  people  and  even  went  so  far  as 
to  assure  Mr.  Chase  that  he  need  fear  no  opposition 
from  him,  if  he  (Chase)  should  prove  to  be  the  choice 
of  the  party.  But  his  candidacy  was  as  short-lived 
as  it  was  inauspicious.  He  soon  perceived  that  the 
tide  of  popular  opinion  was  setting  strong  towards 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  he  acquiesced  as  gracefully  as  possi 
ble  in  the  situation.  He  exhibited  such  a  spirit,  how 
ever,  towards  the  President  that  his  resignation  was 
asked  for  and  accepted.  Senator  Fessenden  was 
appointed  to  take  his  place.  Shortly  afterwards  Mr. 
Lincoln  happened  to  meet  Mr.  Chase,  and  upon  an 
inquiry  by  the  future  Chief  Justice  as  to  how 
matters  looked  generally,  Mr.  Lincoln  quietly  re 
marked  : 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  303 

"  Oh,  pretty  well !  pretty  well  !  The  only  thing 
is  that  I've  had  a  litte  trouble  about  the  Cabinet,  but 
it's  all  happily  settled  now,  I'm  glad  to  say." 

"  Why,  how  is  that,  Mr.  President  ?  "  queried  Chase, 
in  earnest  and  sympathetic  tones  ;  "  I'm  sure  it  could 
not  have  been  anything  very  serious." 

"  No,  not  at  all,  not  at  all  !  "  cried  the  President,  in 
his  cheery  way.  "  You  see,"  he  continued,  dropping 
his  voice  a  little,  and  with  a  merry  twinkle  in  his  eye, 
"  although  I  am  by  no  means  an  extremist  myself,  still 
I  have  always  been  devoured  by  an  overmastering 
anxiety  regarding  the  religious  tenets  and  profession 
of  faith  held  by  the  various  members  of  my  official 
family.  Now,  Fessenden  is  quite  a  recent  addition  to 
the  Cabinet  and  I  have  been  a  little  undecided  where 
to  place  him,  in  a  religious  point  of  view." 

"  Well,  Mr.  President,"  timidly  ventured  Chase, 
"  I'm  glad  you  satisfied  yourself  upon  such  an  impor 
tant  point." 

"Oh,  yes!"  responded  Lincoln.  "I  haven't  the 
slightest  doubt  upon  the  subject  now.  You  see  Fes 
senden  is  a  pretty  evenly-balanced  man,  but  once  in  a 
while  he  gets  real,  hoppin'  mad,  and  then  he  swears 
so  all-fired  hard,  just  like  Seward,  that  I  know,  sure 
as  faith,  that  he's  an  Episcopalian." 

In  1864  Chief-Justice  Taney  died,  the  man  whose 
decision  in  the  "  Dred  Scott  "  case  had  done  so  much 
to  precipitate  the  rebellion  and  who  had  lived  to  see 
his  decision  nullified  by  force  of  arms  and  the 
institution  which  he  had  done  so  much  to  foster  abro 
gated  and  destroyed.  After  a  short  delay  Mr.  Lin 
coln  appointed  Mr.  Chase  to  the  position  overlooking 
all  the  criticism  and  animadversion  to  which  Mr. 


304  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Chase  had  subjected  him  with  a  rare  forbearance 
and  magnanimity. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  had  been 
called  to  meet  at  Baltimore,  June  8,  1864.  May  31, 
a  convention  met  at  Cleveland,  made  up  of  dis 
appointed  politicians  and  a  few  visionary  spirits  who 
had  from  the  first  arrayed  themselves  with  General 
Fremont  against  the  administration.  Many  of  the 
prominent  men,  who  had  been  expected,  failed  to 
attend  and  the  proceedings  were  characterized  by 
neither  dignity  nor  fairness.  The  movement  very 
soon  "petered  out,"  to  use  Mr.  Lincoln's  phrase,  and 
the  only  vestige  of  the  convention  that  survived  the 
early  summer  was  the  candidacy  of  General  Fremont. 
He  had  been  nominated  as  Lincoln's  successor  and 
had  accepted  in  a  letter  in  which  he  severely  attacked 
Mr.  Lincoln's  course,  alleging  incompetency  and  a 
needless  disregard  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
American  citizens.  The  nomination  was  received 
with  so  much  apathy  that  General  Fremont  finally 
withdrew  his  name  but  seized  the  opportunity  to  re 
new  his  denunciations  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  said  : 

"  I  consider  that  his  administration  has  been  politi 
cally,  militarily  and  financially  a  failure  and  that  its 
necessary  continuance  is  a  cause  of  regret  to  the 
country."  The  attitude  of  General  Fremont  was  one 
to  be  deplored,  not  because  of  any  material  influence 
it  might  exert  upon  the  country,  but  because  he  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party,  its  first 
nominee  for  President,  and  because  his  name  was 
held  in  highest  esteem  and  veneration  by  those  who 
had  grown  old  in  the  struggle  against  slavery. 

The    Republican    Convention    met    at    Baltimore, 


ABRAHAM    LINCNLN.  305 

June,  1864.  It  was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  be  the  nominee  of  the  Convention. 
Nothing  could  influence  popular  opinion  against  him. 
The  masses  of  the  people  were  more  than  satisfied 
with  his  conduct  of  the  war,  indeed  they  regarded 
him  much  as  the  Israelites  did  Moses,  and  believed 
that  the  interests  of  the  country  were  safer  in  his 
hands  than  in  those  of  any  one  else.  The  intrigues  of 
politicians  and  the  open  and  covert  attacks  that  were 
made  upon  him  had  no  appreciable  effect.  The 
Convention  did  little  beyond  reiterating  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  the  party.  They  cordially  in 
dorsed  the  administration  and  then  quickly  made  the 
nominations.  The  platform  in  brief  pledged  the 
party  to  aid  the  Government  unreservedly  in  quelling 
the  rebellion  ;  approved  the  acts  of  the  adminis 
tration  in  regard  to  slavery  and  its  refusal  to  enter 
into  any  compromise  ;  returned  thanks  to  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  who  were  so  nobly  fighting  to  preserve 
the  Union;  and  especially  deprecated  any  interference 
by  European  powers  in  American  affairs.  The  nomi 
nation  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  made  unanimously,  except 
that  Missouri,  at  first,  cast  her  twenty  votes  for  Grant. 
Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  a  pronounced  Union 
man,  who  had  rendered  valuable  service  to  the  national 
cause  in  a  State  where  a  severe  contest  had  been 
carried  on  between  rebels  and  patriots,  and  whose 
retention  in  the  Union  was  largely  due  to  his  efforts, 
was  nominated  for  Vice-President.  Though  the 
nomination  afterwards  proved  an  unfortunate  one,  at 
the  time  it  seemed  a  graceful  recognition  of  faithful 
service  on  the  part  of  a  true  patriot  and  an  able  man. 
Washington  was  so  near  Baltimore  that  a  com- 


306  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

mittee  waited  upon  the  President  the  same  day  the 
norrinations  were  made  and  presented  him  with  a 
copy  of  the  platform  and  officially  notified  him  of  the 
action  of  the  Convention.  He  spoke  to  them  as 
follows : 

<c  Having  served  four  years  in  the  depths  of  a  great 
and  yet  unended  national  peril,  I  can  view  this  call 
to  a  second  term  in  nowise  more  flattering  to  myself 
than  as  an  expression  of  the  public  judgment  that  I 
may  better  finish  a  difficult  work,  in  which  I  have 
labored  from  the  first,  than  could  any  one  less  severely 
schooled  to  the  task.  In  this  view  and  with  assured 
reliance  on  that  Almighty  Ruler  who  has  so  graciously 
sustained  us  thus  far,  and  with  increased  gratitude  to 
the  generous  people  for  their  continued  confidence,  I 
accept  the  renewed  trust,  with  its  yet  onerous  and 
perplexing  duties  and  responsibilities." 

His  letter  of  acceptance,  written  June  27,  was  brief, 
expressing  his  concurrence  in  the  resolutions  passed 
by  the  Convention  and  its  platform,  and  gratefully 
accepting  the  nomination.  He  said  : 

"  I  am  especially  gratified  that  the  soldier  and  the 
sailor  were  not  forgotten  by  the  Convention,  as  they 
forever  must  and  will  be  remembered  by  the  grateful 
country,  for  whose  salvation  they  devote  their  lives." 

The  Democratic  Convention  had  been  called  for 
August  29,  in  the  hope  that  in  the  interval  the  events 
of  the  war  might  be  of  such  a  character  as  to  prepare 
the  people  to  accept  a  peace  policy  and  thus  they 
would  be  able  to  create  a  distinct  issue.  Nor  was 
the  situation  without  elements  of  encouragement  to 
the  opposition.  The  political  situation,  in  the  inter 
vening  months,  had  taken  on  grave  aspects.  Congress, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  307 

just  before  its  adjournment,  had  prepared  and  passed 
an  elaborate  plan  for  reconstruction,  but  the  President 
had  failed  to  sign  it,  giving  the  reasons  for  his  dis 
approval  in  a  proclamation  soon  after  issued,  in 
which  he  presented  the  plan  to  the  public  and  offered 
executive  support  to  any  rebel  State  which  should 
decide  to  adopt  it,  but  declining  to  commit  himself 
and  the  Government  to  any  one  method  of  reconstruc 
tion,  especially  if  that  plan  should  require  the  undo 
ing  of  the  work  which  had  been  done  in  the  already 
partially  reconstructed  States.  His  course  was 
severely  criticised  .and  two  of  the  most  prominent 
Republican  members  of  Congress,  Messrs.  Wade  and 
Davis,  issued  a  manifesto,  which  was  printed  in  the 
New  York  Tribune  and  which  contained  a  most  bitter 
and  uncalled  for  attack  upon  the  President's  motives 
and  course.  Another  thing  which  militated  against 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  outcome  of  a  proposed  peace 
conference  to  be  held  between  representatives  of  the 
Confederate  Government  and  of  the  President.  It 
Avas  undertaken  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  Mr. 
Greeley.  The  circumstances  turned  out  to  be  not  as 
represented  and  the  Conference  was  broken  off. 
Mr.  Lincoln's  course  in  regard  to  it  was  consistent 
and  dignified,  but  being  misunderstood  gave  another 
weapon  to  his  enemies  to  be  wielded  against  him. 
It  is  very  evident  now  that  the  South  was  not  ready 
to  accept  peace  upon  the  only  terms  upon  which  it 
could  be  offered  and  that  the  President  could  not 
have  entered  into  negotiations  without  stultifying 
himself. 

The     approaching    Democratic     Convention    was 
anticipated   with   apprehension   by  the   Republicans. 


308  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

It  is  true  that  the  Democrats  were  numerically  in  the 
minority,  but  there  was  not  only  a  discontented  ele 
ment  in  the  Republican  party,  but  also  many  who 
had  become  tired  of  the  war  and  who  would  be  glad 
to  purchase  peace  at  almost  any  price.  How  large 
this  element  was  no  one  could  tell,  but  its  very  exis 
tence  was  cause  for  alarm.  When  the  Convention 
assembled  Mr.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  appeared  as 
one  of  its  leading  spirits  and,  was  himself,  the  author 
of  the  platform.  The  Convention  was  especially 
emphatic  in  its  condemnation  of  the  President  and 
his  policy,  and  demanded  the  cessation  of  the  war. 
Mr.  August  Belmont,  in  opening  the  Convention 
said  : 

"Four  years  of  misrule  by  a  sectional,  fanatical 
and  corrupt  party  have  brought  our  country  to  the 
very  verge  of  ruin.  The  past  and  present  are  suffi 
cient  warnings  of  the  disastrous  consequences  which 
would  befall  us  if  Mr.  Lincoln's  re-election  should  be 
made  possible  by  our  lack  of  patriotism  and  unity. 
The  inevitable  results  of  such  a  calamity  must  be  the 
utter  disintegration  of  our  whole  political  and  social 
system  amid  bloodshed  and  anarchy,  with  the  great 
problems  of  liberal  progress  and  self-government 
jeopardized  for  generations  to  come." 

These  words  formed  the  keynote  of  the  Conven 
tion  and  of  the  platform  and  upon  the  issue  thus 
made  the  campaign  was  to  be  fought.  After  a  long 
discussion  General  McClellan,  a  war  Democrat,  was 
nominated  for  President  and  George  H.  Pendleton, 
a  consistent  member  of  the  peace-party,  was  nomi 
nated  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  promulgation 
of  the  peace  platform  was  followed  by  a  storm  of 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  309 

popular  indignation,  which  in  many  cases  branded 
those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  Convention  as  cow 
ards  and  traitors.  A  large  part  of  the  Democracy 
disapproved  of  the  policy  and  General  McClellan  has 
tened  to  repudiate  it  in  his  letter  of  acceptance. 

While  the  Convention  was  in  session  the  clouds 
had  already  begun  to  lift  frorn  the  political  and  mili 
tary  horizon,  and  every  occurrence  tended  to 
strengthen  Mr.  Lincoln's  position.  The  persistent 
campaign  which  General  Grant  had  been  pursuing 
around  Richmond  began  to  break  the  spirit  of  the 
rebels  and  lessen  the  power  of  their  resistance. 
Already  the  end  could  be  seen  in  the  near  future. 
Appomattox  was  foreshadowed  and  that  at  no  dis 
tant  day.  Four  days  after  the  Democratic  party  had 
declared  that  the  war  was  a  dismal  failure  and  had 
demanded  peace  at  any  price,  President  Lincoln 
issued  a  proclamation  of  Thanksgiving  for  the  Union 
victories.  Irresistibly  the  tide  of  victory  swept  on, 
each  success  proving  a  potent  campaign  speech,  each 
advance  increasing  the  majority  for  the  administra 
tion.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  in  regard  to  the  prospects  : 
"  With  reverses  in  the  field  the  case  is  doubtful  at 
the  polls.  With  victory  in  the  field  the  election  will 
take  care  of  itself." 

The  majority  was  strong  and  decisive.  Indeed, 
Mr.  Lincoln  lacked  but  little  of  being  unanimously 
elected,  his  competitor  securing  but  three  out  of  the 
twenty-two  States  voting.  The  victory  in  the  nation 
was  the  most  complete  ever  achieved  in  an  election  so 
hotly  contested.  It  could  no  longer  be  said  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  a  sectional  President,  for  four  Southern 
States  had  given  him  their  electoral  votes.  He 


310  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

would  have  been  less  than  human  if  he  had  not 
been  gratified  with  this  result.  Yet  his  rejoicing  was 
utterly  free  from  the  taint  of  a  selfish  ambition  or  of 
personal  triumph.  He  said  to  a  number  of  gentlemen 
who  had  called  to  congratulate  him  upon  the  result  : 

"I  am  thankful  to  God  for  this  approval  of  the 
people.  But  while  deeply  grateful  for  this  mark  of 
their  confidence  in  me,  if  I  know  my  heart,  my  grati 
tude  is  free  from  any  taint  of  personal  triumph.  I 
do  not  impugn  the  motives  of  any  one  opposed  to 
me.  It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  triumph  over  any 
!  one  ;  but  I  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  this  evi 
dence  of  the  people's  resolution  to  stand  by  free  gov 
ernment  and  the  rights  of  humanity." 

He  subsequently  said  :  "  It  has  demonstrated  that 
a  people's  government  can  sustain  a  national  election 
in  the  midst  of  a  great  civil  war.  Until  now  it  has 
not  been  known  to  the  world  that  this  was  a  possi 
bility.  It  shows  also  how  strong  and  sound  we  still 
are.  .  .  .  Being  only  mortal,  after  all,  I  should  have 
been  a  little  mortified  if  I  had  been  beaten  in  this 
canvass  before  the  people  ;  but  that  sting  would  have 
been  more  than  compensated  by  the  thought  that 
the  people  had  notified  me  that  all  my  official  respon 
sibilities  were  soon  to  be  lifted  off  my  back." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  re-election  took  away  the  last  hope 
of  the  Confederacy.  There  was  to  be  no  change  in 
policy  or  in  leaders.  The  war  was  to  be  pushed  just 
as  persistently  and  uncompromisingly  as  before.  No 
ill-judged  mercy  would  be  extended  to  rebels  in  arms, 
and  peace  could  only  be  hoped  for  when  all  armed 
opposition  to  the  Government  should  cease.  The 
prospects  still  continued  to  brighten  and  when  Con- 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  31 1 

gress  assembled  the  President  greeted  it  with  a 
hopeful  and  encouraging  message.  He  reviewed  the 
situation  and  showed  the  substantial  results  attend 
ant  upon  the  year's  campaigns,  speaking  of  General 
Sherman's  march  to  the  sea,  which  was  then  in 
progress,  as  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  the  mili 
tary  operations  for  the  year.  The  message  was,  how 
ever,  mainly  concerned  with  arguments  in  favor  of 
the  passage  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment. 

The  winter's  work  was  eminently  satisfactory,  both 
in  the  field  and  in  Congress.  Although  the  fall  of 
the  Confederacy  was  imminent,  no  precaution  was 
neglected,  no  preparation  omitted,  which  looked 
towards  the  completion  of  the  war.  When  the  day 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  second  inauguration  dawned,  Gene 
ral  Sherman  had  captured  Savannah  and  was  march 
ing  northward  ;  General  Grant  was  slowly  but  surely 
approaching  Richmond  and  directing  the  operations 
of  his  magnificent  army,  with  the  almost  certain 
assurance  of  success.  The  military  power  of  the  Con 
federacy  had  been  destroyed  in  the  West  and  South 
west  and  the  field  of  operations  was  rapidly  narrowing 
down  to  the  territory  of  Virginia. 

The  day  was  indeed  an  auspicious  one  and  it  was 
joyously  saluted  by  the  people  of  the  nation  which 
was  now  on  the  verge  of  a  peaceful  union.  The  con 
trast  between  this  day  and  the  one  four  years  before, 
when  Mr.  Lincoln  had  stood  before  the  people  of  the 
country,  untried  and  distrusted,  was  most  remarkable. 
Then  the  gulf  of  civil  war  yawned  before  him,  the 
partially  fulfilled  threat  of  a  divided  sovereignty. 
He  stood  anxiously,  almost  timidly,  in  the  presence 
of  a  future  dark  and  uncertain.  He  had  sought  to 


312  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

console  and  reassure  the  people  and  to  heal  the 
breach  if  possible.  Earnestly,  almost  plaintively,  he 
had  pleaded  with  the  discontented  spirits  to  pause 
and  reflect  before  taking  action  and  urged  upon  them 
his  own  friendliness  and  the  absence  of  any  intention 
to  inflict  upon  them  the  evils  which  they  foreboded. 
Now — the  tempest  of  civil  war  had  nearly  spent  its 
power,  the  clouds  were  dispersing  and  the  sun  of 
peace  was  breaking  through  the  gloom  to  shed  his 
joyful  rays  upon  a  country  shattered  and  bleeding, 
but  saved.  The  triumph  was  not  far  off  and  surely 
the  President  would  find  cause  for  gratulation  and 
glorying.  But  not  so.  His  address  was  pitched  in  a 
minor  key.  He  indulged  in  no  boastings  of  victories 
won  or  predictions  of  coming  triumph.  His  memory 
was  too  active  with  the  terrible  scenes  of  the  past  four 
years.  He  saw  the  laurel  crown  but  dimly  through 
the  tears  flowing  for  the  dead.  His  eyes  were  turned, 
not  to  the  future,  but  to  the  battlefields  of  the  past. 
He  saw  the  wounded  and  the  dying,  the  "  Stars  and 
Stripes "  tattered  and  bullet-riven,  stained  with  the 
life-blood  of  its  gallant  defenders.  And  may  it  not 
have  been  that  his  prophetic  eye  discerned  dimly  the 
shadow  into  which  he  had  already  entered,  the  crown 
ing  catastrophe,  the  last  sacrifice,  and  the  greatest, 
upon  the  country's  altar  ? 

Heroic  figure  !  Standing  there  in  all  the  majesty  of 
thy  greatness!  Great,  because  self  has  been  lost  in 
others  good  !  Sublime,  indeed,  was  the  picture,  with 
the  glorious  achievements  of  the  past  in  the  back 
ground,  and  the  central  person  of  them  all  standing, 
unconscious,  face  to  face  with  death  !  Where  can  his 
tory  show  the  counterpart  ? 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  313 

The  morning  of  March  4  was  stormy,  but  towards 
noon  the  rain  ceased,  the  clouds  rolled  away  and  the 
sun  shone  brightly.  Vast  crowds  had  gathered  to 
witness  the  inaugural  ceremonies.  Congress,  as 
usual,  adjourned  at  noon,  but  the  Senate  was  called  to 
meet  in  special  session,  at  which  Hon.  Andrew  Johnson 
appeared,  took  the  oath  of  office  and  became  its  pre 
siding  officer.  The  Senate-chamber  was  filled  with  a 
brilliant  and  distinguished  assembly,  in  the  midst  of 
which  were  seen  many  an  uniform  whose  wearer  had 
become  distinguished  during  the  last  four  years. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  accompanied  by  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  in  their  judicial  robes,  many  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  in  their  national 
costumes,  and  a  large  number  of  military  and  naval 
officers,  resplendent  in  their  glittering  uniforms.  As 
he  stepped  upon  the  platform  the  air  was  filled  with 
cheers  and  acclamations,  which  did  not  cease  until 
he  waved  his  hand  in  the  air  to  indicate  that  he  was 
ready  to  speak.  The  crowd,  which  had  gathered  in 
front  of  the  Capitol,  was  vast,  extending  far  beyond 
the  reach  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  voice,  but  enthusiastic  and 
contented  if  their  eyes  could  but  rest  upon  his  form. 
The  most  touching  and  suggestive  feature  of  the 
crowd  was  the  large  number  of  maimed  and  crippled 
soldiers,  whose  eager  attention  and  hearty  applause 
were  but  faintly  indicative  of  their  devotion  to  their 
illustrious  chief.  The  simple  oath  of  office  was  ad 
ministered  by  Chief  Justice  Chase,  after  which,  in  a 
clear  but  melancholy  voice,  Mr.  Lincoln  read  his 
second  inaugural  as  follows: 

"Fellow-Countrymen: — At  this  second  appearing 
to  take  the  oath  of  the  Presidential  office,  there  is  less 


314  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

occasion  for  an  extended  address  than  there  was  at 
the  first.  Then,  a  statement  somewhat  in  detail  of  a 
course  to  be  pursued,  seemed  very  fitting  and  proper. 
Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four  years,  during  which 
public  declarations  have  been  constantly  called  forth 
on  every  point  and  phase  of  the  great  contest,  which 
still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses  the  energies 
of  the  Nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented. 
The  progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly 
depends,  is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to  myself, 
and  it  is,  I  trust,  reasonably  satisfactory  and  encour 
aging  to  all.  With  high  hope  for  the  future,  no 
prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ventured. 

"  On  the  occasion  corresponding  with  this,  four 
years  ago,  all  thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an 
impending  civil  war.  All  dreaded  it,  all  sought  to 
avoid  it.  While  the  inaugural  address  was  being  de 
livered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether  to  saving 
the  Union  without  war,. insurgent  agents  were  in  the 
city,  seeking  to  destroy  it  with  war — seeking  to  dis 
solve  the  Union,  and  divide  the  effects  by  negotia 
tion.  Both  parties  deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them 
would  make  war  rather  than  let  the  Nation  survive, 
and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let  it 
perish;  and  the  war  came.  One-eighth  of  the  whole 
population  were  colored  slaves,  not  distributed  gen 
erally  over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the  southern 
part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar  and 
powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was 
somehow  the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  per 
petuate  and  extend  this  interest,  was  the  object  for 
which  the  insurgents  would  rend  the  Union  by 
war.  While  the  Government  claimed  no  right  to 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  315 

do    more    than    to   restrict   the    territorial    enlarge 
ment  of  it. 

"  Neither  party  expected  for  the  war  the  magni 
tude  or  the  duration  which  it  has  already  attained. 
Neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  conflict 
might  cease  with,  or  even  before  the  conflict  itself 
should  cease.  Each  looked  for  an  easier  triumph, 
and  a  result  less  fundamental  and  astounding. 

"  Both  read  the  same  Bible,  and  pray  to  the  same 
God,  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against  the  other.  It 
may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a 
just  God's  assistance  in  wringing  the  bread  from  the 
sweat  of  other  men's  faces.  But  let  us  judge  not, 
that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayer  of  both  could 
not  be  answered.  That  of  neither  has  been  answered 
fully.  The  Almighty  has  His  own  purposes.  *  Woe 
unto  the  world  because  of  offenses,  for  it  must  needs 
be  that  offenses  come,  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom 
the  offense  cometh.'  If  we  shall  suppose  that  Ameri 
can  slavery  is  one  of  these  offenses,  which,  in  the 
Providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which, 
having  continued  through  His  appointed  time,  He 
now  wills  to  remove,  and  that  He  gives  to  both  North 
and  South  this  terrible  war  as  the  woe  due  to  those 
by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall  we  discern  there  any 
departure  from  those  divine  attributes  which  the 
believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe  to  Him  ? 
Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this 
mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet, 
if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth 
piled  by  the  bondsman's  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every 
drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid 


316  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

by  another  drawn  by  the  sword,  as  was  said  three 
thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  that 
'the  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous 
altogether.' 

"  With  malice  towards  none,  with  charity  for  all, 
with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the 
right,  let  us  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the 
Nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have 
borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphans, 
to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  a 
lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations." 

Never  had  more  impressive  words  been  uttered  by 
a  nation's  ruler.  Did  his  character  need  aught  to 
prove  his  greatness,  this  address  would  fully  establish 
the  claim. 

As  the  procession  moved  from  the  Capitol  to  the 
White  House  a  star  was  observed  to  be  shining  with 
a  brilliancy  which  made  it  visible,  even  in  the  midst 
of  the  sunlight,  and  it  was  joyously  hailed  as  a  har 
binger  of  brighter  times;  like  that  other  star  whose 
appearance  was  the  heralding  of  "peace  on  earth, 
good-will  to  men." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

IN  the  latter  part  of  March,  it  became  apparent  that 
Richmond  could  not  hold  out  much  longer,  and,  as 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  always  been  desirous  of  visiting  the 
army  while  engaged  in  the  work  of  actual  warfare, 
he  made  arrangements  to  spend  several  days  with 
General  Grant  at  City  Point. 

He  was  much  interested  in  the  details  of  the  siege, 
and  would  sit  and  watch  the  soldiers  for  hours.  He 
did  not  wish  to  interfere  with  the  military  move 
ments  in  any  way,  and  hence  took  pains  not  to  in 
quire  into  the  plans  of  the  campaign.  It  was  here 
that  the  famous  conference  occurred  between  Gen 
erals  Grant  and  Sherman  and  Admiral  Porter,  at 
which  the  President  was  present,  and  which  was  sub 
sequently  made  the  subject  of  a  notable  painting  by 
Healy,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Calumet  Club  of 
Chicago.  The  object  of  the  conference  was  to  per 
fect  the  details  of  the  closing  campaign,  in  order  that 
the  army  and  navy  might  work  harmoniously  to 
gether.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  much  interested  in  the 
discussion  and,  when  the  conversation  turned  upon 
the  probability  of  another  great  battle  being  fought 
before  the  war  could  be  ended,  he  asked  more  than 
once:  "  Must  more  blood  be  shed  ?  Cannot  this  last 
bloody  battle  be  avoided  ?" 

(317) 


' 


31 8  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

April  3,  Lee  evacuated  Richmond,  and  the  city  was 
taken  possession  of  by  the  Union  troops.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  expressed  a  desire  to  visit  the  city,  and  in  com 
pany  with  Admiral  Porter  and  a  file  of  marines 
succeeded  in  reaching  it  by  water.  The  remarkable 
scenes  that  followed  are  thus  graphically  described 
by  the  admiral: l 

"  There  was  a  small  house  on  the  landing,  and  be 
hind  it  were  some  twelve  negroes  digging  with 
spades.  The  leader  of  them  was  an  old  man,  some 
sixty  years  of  age.  He  raised  himself  to  an  upright 
position  as  we  landed,  and  put  his  hands  to  his  eyes. 
Then  he  dropped  his  spade,  and  sprang  forward  : 

*  Bress  de  Lord,'  he  said,  *  dere  is  de  great  Messiah  ! 
I  knowed  him  as  soon  as  I  seed  him.     He's  bin  in  my 
heart  fo'  long  yeahs,  an'  he's  come  at  las'  to  free  his 
chillun    from    deir    bondage  !     Glory,    Hallelujah  ! ' 
And  he  fell  upon  his  knees  before  the  President,  and 
kissed    his   feet.     The   others  followed  his  example, 
ard  in  a  minute  Mr.  Lincoln  was  surrounded  by  these 
people  who  had  treasured  up  the  recollection  of  him 
caught  from  a  photograph,  and  had  looked  up  to  him 
for  four  years  as  the  one  who  was  to  lead  them  out 
of  captivity.       It    was  a  touching  sight — that    aged 
negro,  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  the  tall,  gaunt-looking 
man,  who    seemed  in  himself  to  be   bearing  all  the 
grief  of  the  nation,  and  whose  sad   face  seemed   to 
say,  *  I  suffer  for  you  all,  but  will  do  all  I  can  to  help 
you.'  Mr.  Lincoln  looked  down  on  the  poor  creatures 
at  his  feet;  he  was  much  embarrassed  at  his  position. 

*  Don't  kneel  tc  me,'  he  said,  *  that  is  not  right.     You 


Porter's  Leading  Incidents  in  the  Civil  War. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  319 

must  kneel  to  God  only,  and  thank  Him  for  the  lib 
erty  you  will  hereafter  enjoy.  I  am  but  God's  hum-  \ 
ble  instrument;  but  you  may  rest  assured  that,  as 
long  as  I  live,  no  one  shall  put  a  shackle  on  your 
limbs,  and  you  shall  have  all  the  rights  which  God 
has  given  to  every  other  free  citizen  of  this 
Republic.' 

"  It  was  a  minute  or  two  before  I  could  get  the  ne 
groes  to  rise  and  leave  the  President.  The  scene  was 
so  touching,  I  hated  to  disturb  it,  yet  we  could  not 
stay  there  all  day;  we  had  to  move  on;  so  I  requested 
the  patriarch  to  withdraw  from  about  the  President, 
with  his  companions,  and  let  us  pass  on.  '  Yes,  mars,' 
said  the  old  man,  *  but  after  bein'  so  many  yeahs  in 
de  desert  widout  water,  it's  mighty  pleasant  to  be 
lookin'  at  las'  on  our  spring  of  life.  'Scuse  us,  sir;  we 
means  no  lisrespec'  to  Mars'  Lincoln;  we  means  all 
love  an'  gratitude.'  And  then,  joining  hands  together 
in  a  ring,  the  regroes  sang  a  hymn,  with  melodious 
and  touching  voices,  only  possessed  by  the  negroes 
of  the  South.  The  President  and  all  of  us  listened 
respectfully  while  the  hymn  was  being  sung.  Four 
minutes,  at  most,  had  passed  away  since  we  first 
landed  at  a  point  where,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
the  streets  were  entirely  deserted;  but  now  what  a 
different  scene  appeared  as  that  hymn  went  forth  from 
the  negroes'  lips  !  The  streets  seemed  to  be  suddenly 
alive  with  the  colored  race.  They  seemed  to  spring 
from  the  earth.  They  came  tumbling  and  shouting 
from  over  the  hills  and  from  the  waterside,  where  no 
one  was  seen  as  we  had  passed.  The  crowd  immedi 
ately  became  very  oppressive.  We  needed  our 
marines  to  keep  them  off.  I  ordered  twelve  of  the 


320  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

boats'  crew  to  fix  bayonets  to  their  rifles  and  sur 
round  the  President — all  of  which  was  quickly  done; 
but  the  crowd  poured  in  so  fearfully  that  I  thought 
we  all  stood  a  chance  of  being  crushed  to  death. 
~  "  At  length  the  President  spoke.  He  could  not  move 
for  the  mass  of  people — he  had  to  do  something. 
'  My  poor  friends,'  he  said,  '  you  are  free — free  as  air. 
You  can  cast  off  the  name  of  slave  and  trample  upon 
it ;  it  will  come  to  you  no  more.  Liberty  is  your 
birthright.  God  gave  it  to  you  as  he  gave  it  to  oth 
ers,  and  it  is  a  sin  that  you  have  been  deprived  of  it 
for  so  many  years.  But  you  must  try  to  deserve  this 
priceless  boon.  Let  the  world  see  that  you  merit  it, 
and  are  able  to  maintain  it  by  your  good  works. 
Don't  let  your  joy  carry  you  into  excesses.  Learn 
the  laws  and  obey  them  ;  obey  God's  Commandments 
and  thank  Him  for  giving  you  liberty,  for  to  Him 
you  owe  all  things.  There,  now,  let  me  pass  on  ;  I 
have  but  little  time  to  spare.  I  want  to  see  the  Capi 
tol,  and  must  return  at  once  to  Washington  to  secure 
to  you  that  liberty  which  you  seem  to  prize  so 
highly.' 

"  The  crowd  shouted  and  screeched  as  if  they  would 
split  the  firmament,  though  while  the  President  was 
speaking  you  might  have  heard  a  pin  drop." 

As  he  proceeded  through  the  streets,  the  windows 
on  either  side  were  full  of  people  who  were  curious 
to  see  the  "dreaded  Lincoln."  There  was  no 
unfriendly  manifestation  and  many  of  the  citizens 
gave  him  a  cordial  welcome.  He  passed  through  the 
city,  visiting  several  places  of  interest  and  especially 
the  deserted  mansion  of  Mr.  Davis,  the  President  of 
the  now  defunct  Confederacy. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  321 

Admiral  Porter,  relates  an  incident  occurring  in 
this  trip,  which  well  illustrates  Mr.  Lincoln's  feelings, 
towards  the  South  and  his  intentions  in  regard  to 
reconstruction.  He  says : 

"  In  the  strife  between  the  North  and  South  there 
was  no  bitterness  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  composition  ;  he 
seemed  to  think  only  that  he  had  an  unpleasant  duty 
to  perform  and  endeavored  to  perform  it  as  smoothly 
as  possible.  He  would,  without  doubt,  have  yielded 
a  good  deal  to  the  South,  only  that  he  kept  his  duty 
constantly  before  his  eyes,  and  that  was  the  compass 
by  which  he  steered  at  all  times.  The  results  of  a 
battle  pained  him  as  much  as  if  he  were  receiving  the 
wounds  himself  for  I  have  often  heard  him  express 
himself  in  pained  accents  over  some  of  the  scenes  of 
the  war.  ...  I  know  that  he  was  determined  the 
Confederacy  should  have  the  most  liberal  terms. 
'  Get  them  to  plowing  once,'  he  said,  *  and  gathering 
in  their  own  little  crops,  eating  pop-corn  at  their  own 
firesides,  and  you  can't  get  them  to  shoulder  a  mus 
ket  again  for  half  a  century. 

"  One  morning,  at  ten  o'clock,  Mr.  John  A.  Camp 
bell,  late  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  sent  a  request  to  be  allowed  to  come  aboard 
with  General  Weitzel.  He  wanted  to  call  upon  the 
President.  He  came  on  board,  and  spent  an  hour. 
The  President  and  himself  seemed  to  be  enjoying 
themselves  very  much,  to  judge  from  their  laughter. 

"  I  did  not  go  down  into  the  cabin.  In  about  an 
hour,  General  Weitzel  and  Mr.  Campbell  came  on 
deck,  asked  for  a  boat,  and  were  landed. 

*'  I  went  down  below  for  a  moment,  and  the  Presi 
dent  said:  '  Admiral,  I  am  sorry  you  were  not  here 


322  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

when  Mr.  Campbell  was  on  board.  He  has  gone  on 
shore  happy.  I  have  given  him  a  written  permission 
to  allow  the  State  Legislature  to  convene  at  the 
Capitol,  in  the  absence  of  all  other  government ! 

"  I  was  rather  astonished  at  this  piece  of  informa 
tion.  I  felt  that  this  course  would  bring  about  com 
plications,  and  wondered  how  it  had  all  come  to 
pass.  .  .  . 

"  When  the  President  told  me  all  that  had  been 
done,  and  that  General  Weitzel  had  gone  on  shore 
with  an  order  in  his  pocket  to  let  the  Legislature 
meet,  I  merely  said:  4  Mr.  President,  I  suppose  you 
remember  that  this  city  is  under  military  jurisdiction, 
and  that  no  Courts,  Legislature  or  Civil  Authority 
can  exercise  any  power  without  the  sanction  of  the 
General  commanding  the  Army.  This  order  of  yours 
should  go  through  General  Grant,  who  would  inform 
you  that  Richmond  was  under  martial  law;  and  I  am 
sure  he  would  protest  against  this  arrangement  with 
Mr.  Campbell.' 

"  The  President's  common  sense  took  in  the  situa 
tion  at  once.  'Why,'  he  said,  'Weitzel  made  no 
objection,  and  he  commands  here.' 

" '  That  is  because  he  is  Mr.  Campbell's  particular 
friend,  and  wished  to  gratify  him.' 

" '  Run  and  stop  them/  exclaimed  the  President, 
'  and  get  my  order  back  !  Well,  I  came  near  knock 
ing  all  the  fat  into  the  fire,  didn't  I  ? ' 

"  To  make  things  sure,  I  had  an  order  written  to 
General  Weitzel,  and  signed  by  the  President,  as  fol 
lows:  *  Return  my  permission  to  the  Legislature  of 
Virginia  to  meet,  and  don't  allow  it  to  meet  at  all.' 
There  was  an  ambulance  wagon  at  the  landing  and, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  323 

giving  the  order  to  an  officer,  I  said  to  him:  'Jump 
into  that  wagon,  and  kill  the  horse  if  necessary,  but 
catch  the  carriage  which  carried  General  Weitzel  and 
Mr.  Campbell,  and  deliver  this  order  to  the  General.' 

"  The  carriage  was  caught  after  it  reached  the  city. 
The  General  and  Mr.  Campbell  were  surprised.  The 
President's  order  was  sent  back,  and  they  never 
returned  to  try  and  reverse  the  decision." 

The  same  writer  relates  the  following  incident, 
which  occurred  a  little  later: 

"  He  was  one  day  discussing  the  generals  of  the 
war — what  difficulties  he  had  in  making  appoint 
ments,  etc.  He  illustrated  each  case  with  a  story.  In 
speaking  of  one  general,  he  said  it  reminded  him  of 
a  friend  of  his,  a  blacksmith,  he  knew  out  in  the  West 
when  he  was  a  boatman. 

"  This  old  friend  was  celebrated  for  making  good 
work,  especially  axes,  which  were  in  great  demand 
at  that  day.  No  boatman  had  a  complete  outfit 
unless  he  had  a  good  ax. 

"  '  One  day/  he  said  to  me,  *  Lincoln,  I  have  the 
finest  piece  of  steel  you  ever  saw;  I  got  it  on  purpose 
to  make  an  ax  for  you,  and  if  you  will  sit  down  and 
tell  me  a  good  story,  you  shall  have  the  ax  when  it 
is  finished.' 

" '  Go  ahead,'  I  said,  and  I  sat  down  to  tell  the 
story,  while  he  made  the  ax. 

"  My  friend,  the  blacksmith,  first  put  on  a  huge 
piece  of  fresh  coal,  and  blew  it  until  it  was  at  a 
proper  heat — the  coals  glowing;  he  picked  up  the 
piece  of  steel,  and  locked  at  it  affectionately,  patted 
it  all  over,  then,  *  Lincoln/  he  said,  *  did  you  ever 
see  a  piece  of  steel  equal  to  that  ?  It  will  make  you 


324  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

a  companion  you  will  never  want  to  part  with;  and 
when  you  are  using  it,  you  will  think  of  me. '  Then 
he  put  it  into  the  fire,  and  began  to  work  his  bellows, 
while  I  began  to  tell  my  story. 

"  He  blew  and  blew  until  the  steel  was  at  a  deep 
red  heat,  when,  taking  it  out  of  the  fire  and  laying 
it  on  the  anvil,  he  gave  it  a  clip  with  a  four-pound 
hammer.  Lord  bless  you,  how  the  sparks  flew,  and 
the  big  red  scales  also  !  *  Lincoln,'  he  said,  *  here's 
a  go,  and  a  bad  one  too.  This  lump  of  steel  ain't 
worth  the  powder  that  would  blow  it  up.  I  never 
was  so  deceived  in  anything  in  all  my  life.  It  won't 
make  an  ax.  But  I'll  tell  you  what  it  will  make.  It 
will  make  a  clevis,'  and  he  put  it  in  the  fire  again, 
and  went  through  the  same  performance  as  before. 
Then,  when  it  was  heated,  he  laid  it  upon  the  anvil, 
and  commenced  to  hammer  it.  The  sparks  flew,  and 
so  did  the  scales,  and  in  a  minute  half  of  it  was 
gone. 

"The  blacksmith  stopped  and  scratched  his  head, 
as  men  often  do  under  difficulties.  'Well,'  he  said, 
*  this  certainly  is  an  onery  piece  of  steel,  but  it  may 
get  better  nearer  the  heart  of  it.  I  can't  make  a 
clevis  out  of  it,  but  it  will  make  a  clevis-bolt.  It  may 
have  some  good  in  it  yet.  After  all,  a  good  clevis- 
bolt  is  not  a  bad  thing.' 

"  He  put  it  into  the  fire  again,  and  this  time  got  it 
to  a  white  heat.  'I  think  I  have  it  now,  Lincoln,' 
and  he  pounded  away  at  it  until  I  was  nearly  blinded 
by  the  scales. 

"'This  won't  do,'  he  said,  *  I  certainly  don't  know 
my  trade  to  let  a  thing  like  that  fool  me  so.  Well, 
well,  it  won't  make  a  clevis-bolt,  but  I  have  one  resort 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  325 

yet;  it  will  make  a  tenpenny  nail.  You  will  have  to 
wait  for  your  ax,'  and  he  put  the  metal  into  the  fire 
again. 

"  This  time  he  didn't  blow  it ;  he  let  it  get  red-hot 
naturally,  and  when  it  was  as  he  wanted  it,  he  put  it 
on  the  anvil  again. 

"  'This,'  he  said,  'is  a  sure  thing.  I  am  down  to 
the  heart  of  the  piece.  There  must  be  a  tenpenny 
nail  in  this.'  But  he  was  mistaken;  there  was  only  a 
small  piece  of  wire  left.  He  was  actually  dazed. 

"  *  Durn  the  thing  ! '  he  said,  '  I  don't  know  what 
to  make  of  it.  I  tried  it  as  an  ax,  and  it  failed  me. 
Then  it  failed  me  as  a  clevis.  It  failed  me  as  a  clevis- 
bolt,  and  the  thing  won't  even  make  a  tenpenny  nail  ! 
But  I'll  tell  you,  old  fellow,  what  it  will  make,'  and 
he  put  it  in  the  fire  again  until  it  and  the  tongs  were 
at  a  white  heat.  Then,  turning  around,  he  rammed 
it  into  a  bucket  of  water.  *  There,  you  will  make  a 
big  fizzle,  and  that  is  all  you  will  make.'  And  it 
sputtered  and  fizzled  until  it  went  out,  and  there  was 
nothing  left. 

"  Now  that  is  the  case  with  the  person  I  am 
speaking  of,'  continued  the  President.  *  I  tried  him 
as  an  ax.  I  tried  him  as  a  clevis.  He  was  so  full  of 
shakes,  he  wouldn't  work  into  one.  I  tried  him  as  a 
clevis-bolt.  He  was  a  dead  failure,  and  he  wouldn't 
make  even  a  tenpenny  nail.  But  he  did  make  the 
biggest  fizzle  that  has  been  made  in  this  war,  and 
fizzled  himself  out  of  the  army." 

On  Sunday,  April  9,  he  returned  to  Washington 
and  there  received  the  tidings  of  Lee's  surrender  and 
that  of  his  entire  army.  His  joy  at  the  news  can  be 
imagined.  For  the  time  he  seemed  to  have  had  a  new 


3^  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

life  infused  into  his  worn  and  weary  frame,  and  he 
showed  his  happiness  like  a  great,  overgrown  school 
boy.  His  enthusiasm  was  shared  by  the  whole 
country.  Business  was  suspended  as  the  tidings  were 
borne  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  ; 
flags  were  flung  out  to  the  breeze  ;  cannon  boomed, 
and  there  was  one  constant  scene  of  wild  jubilation. 
For  the  moment  the  horrors  of  the  war  were  forgot 
ten,  and  every  man  helped  to  swell  the  grand  chorus 
of  thanksgiving,  whose  echoes  were  borne  on  every 
wind  to  the  remotest  shores  of  the  world.  In  Wash 
ington,  which  had  suffered  more  than  any  other  city 
from  the  gloom  and  shadow  of  the  war,  the  celebra 
tion  of  the  news  was  most  unrestrained.  The  White 
House  was  thronged  by  those  who  were  anxious  to 
extend  their  congratulations  to  the  President  and  to 
share  in  his  joy.  He  appeared  at  the  window  over 
the  main  entrance  in  view  of  the  multitude  and  in 
declining  to  make  a  speech,  said  : 

"  I  am  very  greatly  rejoiced  that  an  occasion  has 
occurred  so  pleasurable  that  the  people  can't  restrain 
themselves.  I  suppose  that  arrangements  are  being 
made  for  some  sort  of  formal  demonstration,  perhaps 
this  evening  or  to-morrow  night.  If  there  should  be 
such  a  demonstration,  I  of  course  shall  have  to 
respond  to  it,  and  I  shall  have  nothing  to  say  if  I 
dribble  it  out  before.  I  see  you  have  a  band.  I  propose 
now  closing  up  by  requesting  you  to  play  a  certain 
air  or  tune.  I  have  always  thought  '  Dixie  '  one  of  the 
best  tunes  I  ever  heard.  I  have  heard  that  our  adver 
saries  over  the  way  have  attempted  to  appropriate  it 
as  a  national  air.  I  insisted  yesterday  that  we  had 
fairly  captured  it.  I  presented  the  question  to  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  327 

Attorney  General  and  he  gave  his  opinion  that  it  is 
our  lawful  prize.  I  ask  the  band  to  give  us  a  good 
turn  upon  it." 

On  the  evening  of  April  n,  the  city  was  illuminated 
and  a  vast  crowd  gathered  around  the  east  window 
to  listen  to  the  last  speech  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  made. 
He  began  with  the  following  modest  words  :  "  We 
meet  to-night  not  in  sorrow  but  in  gladness  of  heart. 
No  part  of  the  honor  or  praise  is  mine.  To  General 
Grant,  his  skillful  officers,  and  brave  men,  all 
belongs." 

The  greatest  problem  that  presented  itself  in  the 
closing  up  of  the  war  was  that  of  reconstruction.  The 
difficulty  of  dealing  with  the  rebellious  States  and  of 
establishing  the  terms  upon  which  they  might  regain 
their  proper  status  in  the  Union  was  a  colossal  one. 
The  policy  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  outlined  was  lib 
eral.  He  did  not  wish  to  witness  the  humiliation  of 
the  commonwealths  nor  the  execution  of  American 
citizens  as  traitors  even  though  they  had  raised  their 
hands  in  rebellion  against  the  Constitution.  When 
asked  what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  leaders  of  the 
revolt,  he  answered  with  a  characteristic  story  : 

"A  Springfield  boy  once  caught  a  coon  which  he 
took  home  in  triumph  to  his  parents.  For  a  time  the 
animal  was  the  pet  of  the  household  and  attracted 
much  attention.  But  after  a  time  the  novelty  wore 
off  and  the  awkward  beast  became  a  nuisance,  yet  no 
one  could  suggest  a  way  to  get  rid  of  it.  One  day, 
the  boy  was  observed  sitting  on  the  doorstep,  holding 
a  cord  to  which  the  coon  was  attached,  while  his 
attention  was  turned  earnestly  in  another  direction. 
A  passer-by  noticing  the  boy's  disconsolate  appear- 


328  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

ance  stopped,  and  asked  what  was  the  matter.  '  Oh,' 
was  the  reply,  *  this  coon  is  such  a  bother  to  me.' 

"  '  Why  don't  you  get  rid  of  him,  then  ? '  said  the  gen 
tleman. 

"  '  Hush,'  said  the  boy,  '  don't  you  see  he  is  gnaw 
ing  his  rope  off?  I  am  going  to  let  him  do  it, 
and  then  I  will  go  home  and  tell  the  folks  he  got 
away  from  me.'  " 

Mr.  Lincoln  continued  :  "  This  talk  about  Mr. 
Davis  tires  me.  I  hope  he  will  mount  a  fleet  horse, 
reach  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  drive  so 
far  into  the  waters  that  we  shall  never  see  him 
again." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  wise  and  merciful  policy  of  granting 
amnesty  to  all  rebels  except  a  few  of  the  most  culpa 
ble  leaders  and  not  to  make  a  special  effort  to  secure 
their  persons  was  undoubtedly  the  best  that  could 
have  been  put  in  force,  yet  it  could  not  have  been 
wholly  popular.  When  the  people  of  the  North 
reflected  upon  the  war  which  had  been  brought  on 
by  the  South,  and  the  terrible  cost  of  it,  both  in 
resources  and  human  life,  they  felt  that  leniency  was 
not  a  virtue,  but  rather  a  condoning  of  crime.  The 
men  who  had  desolated  their  homes  and  all  but 
ruined  their  country  should  be  made  an  example  of 
so  that  in  the  future  all  such  efforts  would  be  dis 
couraged.  Had  Lincoln  lived  he  would  have  encoun 
tered  much  opposition  and  adverse  criticism.  He 
might  have  found  a  large  wing  of  his  own  party 
opposed  to  his  policy.  Yet  his  persistence  and  care 
lessness  of  opposition,  when  he  had  once  decided 
upon  a  policy,  would  undoubtedly  have  enabled  him 
to  overcome  all  opposition,  and,  in  the  end,  carry  into 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  329 

operation  the  policy  which  had,  to  some  extent,  been 
outlined  in  the  States  already  partially  reconstructed. 
So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  forecast  the  future  from 
the  past,  it  is  certain  that  if  he  had  lived,  many  of  the 
unfortunate  complications  would  have  been  avoided 
which  were  destined  to  leave  a  lasting  impress  upon 
the  South  in  sectional  bitterness  perpetuated  in 
crippled  prosperity,  and  a  general  feeling  of  distrust 
between  the  sections  which  two  and  a  half  decades 
have  scarcely  been  able  to  heal. 

But  it  is  useless  to  speculate  as  to  what  might  have 
been.  It  is  certain  that  there  was  no  moment  in 
his  whole  career  so  fitted  to  bring  about  his  apo 
theosis.  Had  he  lived  longer  his  career  might  have 
been  clouded  by  adverse  circumstances  over  which  he 
could  have  had  no  control  ;  for  it  is  well  known  that, 
when  a  country  is  at  war,  in  a  condition  of  great 
peril,  all  the  diverse  elements  are  concentrated  to  the 
support  of  a  government,  which,  in  times  of  peace, 
many  of  them  would  violently  oppose.  Hence  much 
might  have  occurred  to  tarnish  his  brilliant  reputa 
tion  and  lower  him  from  the  high  place  to  which  his 
successful  conduct  of  the  war  had  raised  him.  The 
bullet  struck  him  at  the  zenith  of  his  glory.  The  war 
was  ended.  The  country  was  once  more  united.  The 
fresh  woven  wreath  of  victory  was  on  his  temples.  The 
country  rejoiced  in  its  preservation  and  revered  him 
as  its  preserver.  Riding  on  the  crest  of  the  tidal  wave 
of  success  naught  but  the  martyr's  crown  could  add 
to  his  laurels.  It  came,  and  Lincoln's  memory  was 
forever  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 
It  is  heartrending  to  think  of  the  great  chief,  bearing 
all  the  terrible  burden  of  the  conflict  and  passing 


33°  .     ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

hence  just  when  the  fruits  of  the  victory  were  to  be 
enjoyed  ;  the  pilot,  bringing  the  ship  safely  into  port 
through  raging  tempests  and  opposing  tides  but  not 
permitted  to  step  upon  the  solid  land  of  peace  and 
union. 

Yet  it  was  not  his  loss.  The  earthly  crown  he  laid 
aside  for  a  brighter  and  eternal  one.  He  left  the 
field  of  battle  for  the  realms  of  everlasting  peace. 
The  tired  head  and  weary  heart  were  forever  at 
rest. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  season  of  rejoicing  had  come.  For  the 
moment  the  gloom  and  darkness  which  had  over 
spread  the  land  had  been  dispelled.  The  cruel  war 
was  over.  No  longer  would  the  papers  be  scanned 
eagerly,  yet  with  sickening  dread  to  find  the  news  of 
some  batt.le  and  tidings  of  dear  ones  overwhelmed,  per 
chance,  by  the  crimson  tide  of  war.  Gayly  the  old 
flag  floated  from  every  masthead.  Joy  and  gladness 
abounded.  Friends  joyfully  greeted  each  other,  the 
smile  of  gladness  breaking  over  faces  even  yet  suf 
fused  with  tears.  But  amid  the  blare  of  trumpets 
and  the  sounds  of  martial  music,  amid  the  clanging 
chimes  and  ringing  cheers,  might  be  heard  the  mono 
tone  of  tolling  bells  and  the  sobs  of  a  country 
about  to  be  bereft  of  its  ruler. 

As  sometimes  on  a  summer's  day  a  dark  cloud 
passes  quickly  over  the  face  of  the  sun,  and  its  black 
shadow  falls  upon  the  earth,  rejoicing  in  the  bril 
liancy  of  day,  like  a  pall  upon  the  landscape,  gliding 
over  the  distant  hillsides,  approaching  noiselessly, 
perhaps  unseen,  until  suddenly  it  covers  the  whole 
champaign  with  its  sable  mantle,  leaving  in  its  wake 
darkness  and  gloom,  where  but  a  moment  before  had 
been  all  light  and  joy  and  peace.  So  now  amid  the 
festivities  and  rejoicing,  when  all  fears  had  been  laid 
aside  and  naught  of  harm  was  dreaded,  the  shadow 

(330 


332  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

of  death  was  fast  approaching.  Already  it  was  glid 
ing  down  the  distant  hillsides  and  none  saw  it.  Its 
sable  folds  were  growing  thicker  and  blacker  as  it 
approached,  and  yet  the  sun  was  shining  never  more 
brightly.  So  sudden  was  the  transition  from  hope 
to  despair,  from  joy  to  mourning. 

His  last  day  was  a  memorable  one  and  largely  free 
from  the  care  and  anxieties  which  had  weighed  him 
down  with  their  burdens  in  the  days  and  months  that 
had  passed.  He  had  often  been  oppressed  by  pre 
monitions  and  forebodings,  but  to-day  he  caught  no 
glimpse  of  the  shadow  so  close  upon  him.  He  was  in 
exceptionally  good  spirits  and  was  already  beginning 
to  enter  with  keen  zest  upon  the  new  duties  and 
questions  suggested  by  tl  e  closing  war.  In  the 
morning  the  family  lingered  long  at  the  breakfast- 
table  listening  to  a  description  of  Lee's  surrender 
given  by  Robert  Lincoln,  who  had  just  returned  from 
the  front  on  a  short  furlough.  He  had  been  present 
at  the  historic  scene  and  gave  many  details  which  the 
President  had  not  before  heard,  and  in  which  he  was 
deeply  interested. 

After  breakfast,  he  proceeded  to  his  office,  where 
he  despatched  some  routine  business  and  received  a 
number  of  calls  from  Senators  and  Representatives, 
and  from  one  or  two  of  his  old  Illinois  friends,  all 
anxious  to  congratulate  him  upon  the  glorious  close 
of  the  war.  He  greeted  them  all  with  cordiality,  and 
afterwards  went  out  for  a  short  drive  with  General 
Grant,  who  was  spending  a  few  hours  in  Washington 
on  business  connected  with  the  army.  The  sight  of 
the  illustrious  General  and  his  still  more  illustrious 
chief,  was  greeted  with  enthusiastic  cheers,  which 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  333 

they  smilingly  acknowledged.  After  his  return,  Mr. 
Lincoln  attended  a  Cabinet  meeting,  his  last  on 
earth.  After  congratulations,  inquiries  were  made 
into  the  condition  of  the  army,  and  the  terms  of  sur 
render.  General  Grant,  who  was  present,  was  asked 
regarding  the  whereabouts  of  General  Sherman,  but 
could  not  give  much  information  on  the  subject,  as 
he  had  not  recently  heard  from  him.  Mr.  Lincoln 
seemed  especially  anxious  about  him,  and  pressed 
the  inquiry.  Finding  that  nothing  further  could  be 
ascertained,  he  said: 

"  Gentlemen,  I  feel  sure  we  shall  hear  news  of  Sher 
man,  either  good  or  bad,  before  night."  Upon  being 
asked  why  he  thought  so,  he  replied  that  he  had  had 
a  dream  the  night  before,  which  he  had  regularly  had 
the  night  before  some  great  event,  and,  as  there  was 
no  other  place  in  which  to  apprehend  a  catastrophe, 
he  feared  it  for  Sherman.  He  said  that  he  had  had 
it  before  the  great  battles  of  Bull  Run,  Antietam, 
Stone  River  and  others.  Some  one  asked  him  what 
the  dream  was,  and  he  replied  that  he  seemed  to  be 
on  a  great  ship,  under  full  sail  on  the  ocean,  ap 
proaching  an  unknown  shore.  The  dream  had  never 
failed,  and  he  believed  that  something  would  happen. 
Yet  he  did  not  seem  to  attach  any  personal  meaning 
to  it,  nor  apprehend  that  the  disaster  might  be  to 
himself. 

After  lunch,  he  went  out  for  a  drive  with  Mrs. 
Lincoln,  for  the  day  was  a  beautiful  one,  such  a  day 
as  only  the  spring  can  bring,  and  that  in  the  latitude 
of  the  Capital  City.  During  the  ride,  he  recalled 
many  old  memories  and  familiar  scenes  of  his  Spring 
field  life,  and  a  vein  of  sadness  came  over  him,  such 


334  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

as  memories  of  by-gone  days,  forever  past,  produce. 
He  spoke  of  the  trials  and  worries  of  the  last  four 
years,  recalling  rather  the  sad  scenes  they  had  passed 
through  than  the  glorious  triumphs  he  had  achieved, 
and  speaking  in  tenderest  terms  of  the  son,  William 
Wallace,  who  had  died  at  the  White  House  and  whose 
memory  he  cherished  with  the  warmest  affection.  He 
then  spoke  hopefully  of  the  future,  remarking  that 
they  would  be  able  to  save  but  little  from  the  Presi 
dential  salary,  and  that,  at  the  close  of  his  term,  they 
would  return  to  Chicago  or  Springfield,  buy  a  house 
and  he  would  resume  his  law  practice,  and  they 
would  pass  the  remainder  of  their  lives  in  peace  and 
quiet.  He  longed  for  the  time  to  come  when  he 
might  throw  aside  the  cares  that  were  so  oppressive, 
and  enjoy  the  much-needed  rest.  Sweet  and  com 
forting  was  this  planning  for  the  future.  But  abiding 
rest  was  much  nearer  the  weary  frame  than  he  knew. 
Already  the  darkness  of  the  shadow  was  upon  him. 

Upon  his  return  he  found  on  his  desk  an  applica 
tion  for  the  discharge  of  a  rebel  prisoner,  upon  taking 
the  oath  of  allegiance.  He  took  his  pen,  which  had 
always  been  so  ready  to  do  an  act  of  mercy  and  so 
reluctant  to  confirm  a  sentence  which  law  and  justice 
had  passed,  and  wrote  across  the  back  of  it  the  words, 
"  Let  it  be  done."  His  last  official  order  ! 

He  had  that  morning  accepted  an  invitation  to 
attend  Ford's  Theatre  that  evening  and  witness  the 
presentation  of  the  popular  play,  "  Our  American 
Cousin."  He  seldom  allowed  himself  time  for  rest 
and  recreation,  but  he  felt  that  he  could  better  do  so 
now.  He  did  not  stop  to  consider  the  danger  that 
he  incurred  by  thus  appearing  in  a  public  resort, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  335 

without  an  escort  or  any  means  of  protection.  But 
during  the  whole  war  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
expose  himself,  at  times  almost  recklessly,  upon  the 
streets  unattended  at  all  hours  of  day  and  night,  and 
at  times  when  the  streets  were  thronged  with  desper 
ate  characters  in  sympathy  with  the  South,  and  who 
would  hesitate  at  nothing  to  bring  about  their  nefari 
ous  ends.  It  is  marvellous  that  he  had  never  before 
suffered  from  violence.  Opportunities  had  been 
numerous,  and  more  than  once  attempts  had  been 
made  on  his  life  but  had  failed.  During  the  latter 
part  of  the  war,  he  was  out  riding  one  evening,  when 
the  officer  in  charge  at  the  White  House  heard  a 
pistol-shot  down  the  avenue,  and  a  moment  later  the 
hoof-beats  of  a  horse  galloping  furiously.  A  moment 
later  the  President  rode  up  hurriedly  without  his  hat. 
Upon  being  asked  what  the  matter  was,  he  replied, 
that  some  one  had  fired  off  a  pistol  unexpectedly,  down 
the  street  and  had  frightened  his  horse,  causing  him  to 
run,  and  he  had  thus  lost  his  hat.  A  search  was  made 
and  his  hat  was  found  with  a  bullet-hole  through  it. 
Even  when  he  saw  this  evidence  he  ridiculed  the  idea 
of  any  one  trying  to  shoot  him,  claiming  that  it  must 
have  been  an  accidental  shot,  but  at  the  same  time 
requesting  that  nothing  be  said  about  it  lest  it 
frighten  the  people  and  excite  their  apprehensions. 

How  many  plots  were  formed  during  the  adminis 
tration,  which  were  in  one  way  and  another  frustrated, 
no  one  will  ever  know. 

On  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth,  the  President  con 
versed  for  some  time  with  Hon.  George  Ashmun,  who 
had  acted  as  President  of  the  Convention  which  had 
nominated  him,  and  with  Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax, 


336  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

whom  he  invited  to  go  to  the  theatre  with  him,  but 
who  pleaded  a  previous  engagement. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  entered  the  theatre  at  about 
nine  o'clock.  As  they  approached  the  door  of  the 
box,  which  had  been  reserved  for  them,  the  whole 
audience  arose  and  cheered  them,  waving  their  hand 
kerchiefs  and  applauding.  Mr.  Lincoln  stopped  and 
bowed,  then  entered  the  box,  which  was  profusely 
decorated  with  flags  in  honor  of  the  event.  And 
the  cloud  which  had  been  so  swiftly  approaching 
closed  in  about  the  doomed  President  and  enveloped 
him  in  its  sable  folds.  In  the  midst  of  a  scene  of 
extraordinary  brilliancy,  with  blazing  gas-jets,  glitter 
ing  jewels,  fair  women  and  brave  men  on  every  side. 
Surely  if  there  were  any  scene  which  could  dispel  the 
shadow  and  drive  away  grim  death,  it  was  this  !  Did 
the  victim  feel  any  dim  prescience  of  the  swift 
approaching  fate  ?  Did  that  sensitive  brain  perceive 
aught  of  the  enveloping  darkness  ?  Truly  the  "  grand 
ship  was  approaching  an  unknown  country."  The 
tempest  was  filling  the  sails  ;  the  roar  of  the  breakers 
was  heard  louder  and  louder  ;  the  harbor  lights  shone 
full  upon  the  view  ;  and  soon,  ah,  so  soon,  the  anchor 
would  drop  in  the  fair  haven  of  rest. 

At  half-past  ten  a  pistol-shot  was  heard  in  the 
direction  of  the  President's  box,  a  wreath  of  smoke 
lingered  for  a  moment  in  the  air,  then  a  man,  a 
demon  in  human  form,  leaped  from  the  President's 
box  upon  the  stage.  His  spurred  heel  caught  in  the 
draperies  of  the  flags,  as  if  the  banner  whose  defender 
he  had  slain  would  detain  him  in  his  flight  until  the 
hand  of  justice  had  seized  him.  He  fell,  arose  again, 
ran  across  the  stage,  flourishing  a  bloody  dagger  in 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  337 

his  hand,  shouting,  "  Sic  semper  tyrannis"  and  dis 
appeared  through  one  of  the  stage-doors,  whence  a 
second  later  came  the  sound  of  horse's  hoofs  in  furious 
flight  over  the  pavement.  Meantime,  a  woman's  form 
leaned  far  out  over  the  railing  and  pointed  towards 
the  fleeing  figure,  while  a  woman's  voice,  in  all  the 
agony  of  despair  shrieked  out,  "  He  has  killed  the 
President."  Who  can  picture  the  scene  of  wild  con 
fusion  which  followed  !  For  a  moment  the  audience 
sat,  struck  dumb,  as  when  the  rumble  of  some  earth 
quake,  mysterious,  awful,  paralyzes  the  limbs  which 
fain  would  flee,  the  tongue  as  it  struggles  to  utter  the 
cry  of  despair,  and  then,  there  were  shouts  and 
screams  and  curses  ;  women  fainted  or  rushed  aim 
lessly  about,  a  hundred  rushed  towards  the  box 
where  lay  the  prostrate  form  of  the  President.  The 
stage  was  thronged  in  an  instant  with  frantic  men, 
eager  to  be  of  service  but  knowing  not  what  to  do. 
And  through  it  all  that  prostrate  form  was  lying 
quiet,  unheeding,  with  the  precious  life-blood  oozing 
slowly  out  upon  the  velvet  carpet  and  'dyeing  to  a 
deeper  crimson  the  draperies  around.  The  panic 
spread.  From  lip  to  lip  passed  the  words,  "  The 
President  is"  killed."  On  into  the  street  it  echoed. 
A  platoon  of  soldiers  rushed  in  with  bayonets  fixed 
and  charged  upon  the  helpless  throng,  burning  with 
passion,  ready  to  die  for  their  beloved  leader  or  to 
stain  the  ground  with  the  blood  of  his  murderers. 

The  conspiracy  to  murder  him  had  originated  in 
the  brain  of  John  Wilkes  Booth,  an  actor  of  hitherto 
illustrious  name,  but  henceforth  to  be  hurled  to  a 
deeper  gulf  of  infamy,  and  to  bear  a  reputation  more 
cursed  and  black  than  any  master  of  crime  painted 


338  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

by  Shakespeare's  matchless  hand,  whom  he  was  wont 
to  personate  upon  the  stage  in  mimic  life.  The 
details  of  the  plot  have  never,  perhaps,  been  fully 
revealed,  but  it  contemplated  not  only  the  murder  of 
the  President,  but  also  of  his  leading  advisers. 
Whether  there  were  those  back  of  the  plot  whose 
names  have  never  been  revealed,  will  probably  never 
be  ascertained.  Booth,  learning  that  the  President 
was  to  visit  the  theatre  on  the  evening  of  the  four 
teenth,  chose  that  day  for  the  culmination  of  the  plot. 
He  entered  the  theatre  and  made  his  plans  for  the 
accursed  deed. 

When  the  fatal  shot  was  fired  the  attention  of  the 
President  was  directed  towards  the  stage,  and  no  one 
saw  the  assassin  enter.  The  box  was  occupied  by 
Miss  Harris,  the  daughter  of  Senator  Harris  of  New 
York,  who  sat  at  the  right,  next  the  stage  ;  close  to 
her  sat  Mrs.  Lincoln,  while  in  the  rear  sat  Major 
Rathbone  and  the  President.  Booth  placed  his  pis 
tol,  a  small  Derringer,  close  to  the  head  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln  and  fired.  The  bullet  entered  the  brain  and  he 
fell  to  the  floor.  Major  Rathbone,  hearing  the  shot, 
sprang  up  and  grappled  with  the  murderer  who 
struck  at  him  with  a  knife  which  he  held  in  his  hand, 
wounding  him  in  the  shoulder.  Booth  then  leaped 
over  the  rail  to  the  stage  below,  a  distance  of  ten  or 
fifteen  feet,  and  running  across  the  stage  he  passed 
out  into  the  alley  in  the  rear  where  he  had  a 
swift  horse  awaiting,  which  he  mounted  and  rode 
away. 

The  inanimate  form  of  the  President  was  tenderly 
lifted  and  carried  to  a  house  opposite,  where  a  cur 
sory  examination  showed  that  the  wound  was  fatal. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  339 

There  quickly  gathered  around  the  bedside  of  the 
man,  whose  life  was  evidenced  only  by  the  faint 
breathing  and  feebly  beating  heart,  a  crowd  of  sor 
rowing  friends:  Secretaries  Welles  and  Stanton,  the 
Surgeon-General,  Vice-President  Johnson  and  many 
others,  who  sadly  awaited  the  end.  Robert  Lincoln 
spent  the  sad  hours  of  the  night  with  his  almost 
frantic  mother  in  an  adjoining  room,  striving  to  com 
fort  her  who  could  not  be  comforted.  In  the  gray 
dawn  of  the  morning,  just  as  the  sun  was  rising,  the 
last  feeble  breath  was  drawn,  the  last  fluttering  beat 
came  and  the  great  heart  was  still.  Slowly  and  sadly 
they  bore  his  mortal  remains  to  the  White  House,  his 
"  shop,"  as  he  used  to  call  it,  while  the  dark  cloud 
which  had  enveloped  him,  borne  on  by  the  swift  cur 
rents  that  carried  the  news,  settled  down  dark  and 
forbidding,  sorrow-breeding  and  tear-laden  upon  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land  ;  nay,  and  wherever 
throughout  the  world  there  was  a  heart  that  loved 
liberty,  there  was  sorrow  for  its  brave  champion 
whose  career  had  been  so  rudely  cut  off.  The  news 
fell  like  a  blight  upon  the  land.  Men  started  to  their 
labors,  blithe  and  gay,  and  they  returned  to  their 
homes  stricken  and  mourning.  The  newsboys  stood 
on  the  street  corners  and  silently  handed  their  black- 
bordered  papers  to  their  customers,  while  they  wiped 
with  tattered  sleeves  the  tears  of  genuine  sorrow 
from  their  eyes.  Men  looked  at  each  other  in  dis 
may.  The  shock  was  too  sudden,  too  terrible,  to  bring 
at  first  its  most  acute  suffering,  dazed  and  shocked 
they  could  but  stand  in  mute  horror.  Men  returned 
from  their  offices  and  children  from  their  schools,  and 
the  wives  and  mothers  meeting  them  at  the  door 


34°  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

with  anxious  inquiry  received  the  simple  answer, 
"Our  President  is  shot." 

The  flags  which  had  floated  so  proudly  at  the  mast 
heads  were  lowered  to  half-mast.  Crape  fluttered  at 
every  door  and  hung  in  funeral  folds  from  the 
windows.  Stores  were  closed  and  business  was  sus 
pended.  In  the  cities  the  very  car-horses  seemed  to 
feel  the  prevailing  gloom  and  proceeded  to  their 
tasks  with  hanging  heads  and  dejected  mien.  "  Our 
President  is  dead,"  was  echoed  from  the  tolling  bells 
as  their  solemn  cadences  lingered  in  the  tremulous 
air.  "  Our  President  is  dead,"  the  very  birds  hushed 
their  songs  and  flitted  disconsolately  from  tree  to 
tree.  "Our  President  is  dead,"  were  the  words  that 
fell  sadly  from  every  tongue  and  brought  to  each 
heart  a  grief  such  as  all  the  exigencies  of  a  cruel  war 
had  not  yet  inflicted.  Nor  was  the  grief  confined  to 
the  western  continent  Dispatches  of  sympathy  and 
condolence,  genuine  and  hearty,  poured  in  from  all 
over  the  civilized  world.  He  had  once  been  the  sport 
of  Europe  ;  his  awkward  and  homely  figure  had  been 
the  object  of  jest  and  ridicule,  at  the  court  and  in  the 
cabin  ;  but  prince  and  peasant  had,  long  ere  this, 
learned  to  respect  the  plain,  simple  man,  whose 
character  and  deeds  had  given  to  their  scoffs  the  lie 
and  taken  from  their  ridicule  its  sting.  No  grander 
man  or  one  better  fitted  to  rule  ever  sat  upon  Euro 
pean  throne,  or  held  the  sceptre  of  power.  They 
recognized  it  now  and  did  honor  with  sorrowing 
hearts  to  the  dead  peasant  prince. 

The  President  had  been  shot  on  Friday,  an  ill- 
omened  day,  dark  with  sorrow  and  anguish.  The 
body  was  removed  to  the  White  House,  Saturday 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  341 

morning  where,  after  being  embalmed,  it  was  placed 
in  a  coffin  resting  upon  a  great  catafalque,  embowered 
in  flowers.  Memorial  services  were  held  Sunday 
throughout  the  land,  and  from  thousands  of  pulpits 
were  spoken  words  of  heartfelt  sorrow  and  eloquent 
eulogies  upon  the  life  now  ended.  The  week  which 
was  thus  ushered  in  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
in  the  annals  of  the  country.  Never  before  had  a 
whole  people  mourned  a  hero  so  spontaneously  and 
with  such  a  unanimity  of  grief.  Never  before  had 
there  been  such  elaborate  manifestations  of  popular 
sorrow,  funeral  orations,  imposing  processions,  mar 
tial  bands  with  muffled  drums  and  solemn  dirges, 
while  in  palace  and  cottage  alike  the  swift-flowing 
tears,  the  choking  sob  and  breaking  voice  attested  to 
the  sincerity  of  the  almost  universal  grief. 

Monday  morning  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Con 
gressional  Committee  appointed  to  make  the  arrange 
ments  for  the  funeral.  In  the  afternoon  their  report 
was  made,  outlining  the  exercises  and  appointing  the 
pall-bearers  and  the  committee  to  attend  the  remains 
on  their  long  journey  to  their  resting  place  on  the 
far-distant  prairies  of  Illinois.  At  ten  o'clock,  Tues 
day  morning,  the  doors  of  the  White  House  were 
thrown  open  and  the  public  were  permitted  to  file  in, 
and  take  their  last  look  at  the  face  of  the  dead  lying 
enshrined  in  beds  of  roses  and  lilies  not  whiter  or 
more  unstained  than  the  character  of  him  whose 
inanimate  form  they  pillowed. 

All  day  in  ceaseless  procession  the  people  passed 
across  the  grounds,  up  the  marble  steps  and  through 
the  corridors  to  the  coffin,  paused  to  drop  a  tear  and 
departed,  rich  and  poor,  white  and  black,  in  satins 


342  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

and  in  rags,  made  one  by  the  community  of  their 
grief.  The  simple  funeral  occurred  Wednesday 
morning.  All  the  public  offices  were  closed  and 
business  was  suspended,  while  the  Government  build 
ings  were  all  heavily  draped  with  crape.  Vast  crowds 
gathered  around  the  White  House  and  thronged  its 
spacious  rooms.  In  the  East  room  stood  the  cata 
falque  and  around  it  were  grouped  the  family  and 
friends  of  the  deceased,  save  only  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
who  was  too  much  prostrated  to  attend,  the  high 
State  officials  and  the  representatives  of  foreign 
governments. 

The  ceremonies  were  solemn  and  impressive,  being 
participated  in  by  Rev.  Dr.  Hale  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  Bishop  Simpson,  who  was  a  special  friend  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  Rev.  Dr.  Gurley  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  which  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  family  had  been 
wont  to  attend.  Dr.  Gurley  paid  a  noble  and  worthy 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  dead,  in  the  course  of 
which  he  said  : 

"  Probably  no  man  since  the  days  of  Washington 
was  so  firmly  and  deeply  imbedded  and  enshrined  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people  as  Abraham  Lincoln.  Nor 
was  it  a  mistaken  confidence  and  love.  He  deserved 
it ;  deserved  it  well  ;  deserved  it  all.  He  merited  it  by 
his  character,  by  his  acts  and  by  the  tenor  and 
tone  and  spirit  of  his  whole  life.  .  .  .  His  integrity 
was  thorough,  all-pervading,  all-controlling  and  incor 
ruptible." 

In  speaking  of  the  power  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  rise  to 
an  emergency,  he  truly  said  :  "  He  rose  to  the  dignity 
and  momentousness  of  the  occasion  ;  saw  his  duty  as 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  a  great  and  imperilled  people  ; 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  343 

and  he  determined  to  do  his  duty  and  his  whole  duty, 
seeking  the  guidance  and  leaning  upon  the  arm  of 
Him  of  whom  it  is  written,  *  He  giveth  power  to  the 
faint,  and  to  them  who  have  no  might  he  increaseth 
strength.'  Yes,  he  leaned  upon  His  arm.  He  recog 
nized  and  received  the  truth  that  the  kingdom  is  the 
Lord's." 

After  the  services  were  over,  the  casket  was  taken 
from  its  resting  place,  and  borne  to  the  rotunda  of  the 
Capitol,  where  it  lay  in  state  until  April  21.  The 
funeral  procession  was  long  and  the  route  over  which 
it  passed  was  thronged  with  people,  with  sad  eyes, 
waiting  to  pay  their  simple  tribute  of  sorrow.  The 
trees  were  just  bursting  out  into  leaf  ;  the  air  was 
sweet  and  fragrant ;  and  all  nature  seemed  to  be 
pointing  to  the  resurrection  and  the  new  life  into 
which  he,  who  was  not  dead,  had  now  entered.  As 
the  hearse  entered  the  Capitol  grounds,  drawn  by  six 
white  horses,  there  was  a  burst  of  martial  music  as 
the  great  bands  played  requiem  and  dirge,  while  all  the 
guns  of  the  fortifications  added  their  roar  to  swell  the 
solemn  chorus. 

It  was  a  scene  never  to  be  forgotten,  and  probably 
never  to  be  repeated  in  the  future  history  of  the 
country.  Nor  were  such  scenes  witnessed  alone  in 
Washington.  In  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Chicago 
and  all  the  great  cities,  in  smaller  towns  and  villages, 
and  in  the  sparsely-settled  country,  men  and  women 
left  their  daily  avocations  and  assembled  in  the 
churches  to  participate  in  memorial  services,  and  join 
in  great  and  imposing  processions  where  all  the 
solemn  pageantry  of  sorrow  was  displayed. 

Thus  did  a  nation  mourn  its  dead  ;  thus  did  the  all- 


344  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

absorbing  grief  penetrate  each  heart,  as  the  thought 
came  of  the  great  and  good  man  who  had  died  in 
their  behalf  ;  not  as  Caesar  had  died,  the  victim  of 
his  own  ambition  ;  not  as  Alexander  II.  had  died,  the 
oppressor,  suffering  at  the  hands  of  the  oppressed  ; 
nor  yet  as  died  the  soldier  upon  the  battlefield,  fight 
ing  for  his  country  in  the  hour  of  her  sorest  need 
against  an  open  enemy.  But  his  life  had  been  offered 
up  after  the  tide  of  battle  had  flowed  and  ebbed,  and 
the  victory  had  been  declared  ;  when  thoughts  of 
peace  and  harmony  filled  the  hearts  of  all  ;  at  the 
time  when  the  nation  had  laid  aside  the  weeds  of 
mourning  for  the  laurels  of  triumph,  then  had  been 
raised  the  hand  of  the  assassin,  more  accursed  than 
Ravaillac  of  old,  of  memory  more  execrable  than  any 
whose  hands  have  been  stained  with  innocent  blood, 
save  only  he  whose  arch-treason  had  delivered  up  his 
Master,  the  Saviour  of  a  lost  humanity  ;  and  then  had 
fallen  the  blow  that  pierced  the  heart  of  the  nation 
and  wounded  all  mankind.  And  yet  the  horror  of 
the  blow  had  for  the  moment  led  the  people  to  forget 
the  author  of  it.  Their  sorrow  was  too  deep  to 
admit  of  the  feelings  of  hatred  and  revenge  which 
would,  in  less  heartfelt  sorrow,  have  been  in  the 
ascendency. 

It  was  decided  that  the  funeral  cortege  should 
return,  as  nearly  as  possible,  over  the  same  route  as 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  followed  in  coming  to  Washington 
in  the  beginning  of  the  eventful  four  years.  It 
seemed  almost  cruel  to  subject  the  worn  body  to  so 
long  a  journey,  but  the  people,  whose  he  was, 
demanded  the  right  once  more  to  look  upon  his  feat 
ures  and  to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect.  So  in  a 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  345 

train  drawn  by  the  "  Union,"  the  engine,  which  had 
four  years  before  drawn  him  to  Washington,  the 
funeral  cortege  set  out.  All  the  cars  and  the  engine 
were  heavily  draped  in  black  and  the  national  colors. 
Besides  the  larger  casket  was  a  small  one  which  con 
tained  the  mortal  remains  of  Willie,  the  son  who  died 
at  the  White  House  and  whose  death  his  father  had 
so  deeply  mourned. 

The  route  lay  through  the  cities  of  Baltimore,  Har- 
risburg,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Albany,  Buffalo, 
Cleveland,  Columbus,  Cincinnati,  Indianapolis  and 
Chicago  to  Springfield.  In  each  city  imposing  dem 
onstrations  had  been  planned,  each  striving  to  outdo 
the  others,  not  in  vulgar  rivalry  but  in  the  genuine 
love  and  sorrow  thus  expressed.  At  Baltimore  the 
train  was  met  by  thousands  of  citizens  who  did  all  in 
their  power  to  testify  to  the  sincerity  of  their  grief. 
In  this  city  but  four  years  before  had  been  formed 
the  first  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
But  now  the  tragic  outcome  of  the  last  conspiracy 
against  his  life  was  as  sincerely  mourned  here  as  any 
where  else  in  the  Union.  What  a  revulsion  !  So 
marked  the  change  as  to  seem  almost  incredible  ! 
The  downright  honesty  and  the  hearty  good-will  of 
the  man  had  brought  it  to  pass  and  nothing  less. 

From  Harrisburg  to  Philadelphia  the  railway  was 
thronged,  seemingly  all  the  way,  with  people  who 
gathered  to  see  the  black-robed  train  pass  by  like 
some  meteor  in  its  flight.  At  Philadelphia  the  same 
scenes  were  enacted,  of  long  processions  and  tolling 
bells,  of  mourning  people  and  the  pomp  of  black- 
robed  grief.  The  casket  was  placed  in  Independence 
Hall,  which  was  literally  embowered  in  flowers. 


346  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

At  his  head  was  the  old  "  liberty  bell,"  upon  which 
were  engraved  the  words,  "  Proclaim  liberty  through 
out  the  land  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof."  There 
was  the  iron  tongue  which  had  first  sounded  out  the 
sweet  notes  of  liberty  and  freedom  from  the  tyrant's 
oppression.  There,  too,  lay  the  tongue,  which  almost 
a  century  later,  had  uttered  the  words  whicli  had 
given  freedom  to  a  down-trodden  race,  and  the  hands 
which  had  knocked  off  their  fetters.  It  was  in  this 
hall  four  years  before  that  he  had  made  that  memo 
rable  speech  on  the  anniversary  of  Washington's 
birthday,  in  which  he  had  uttered  these  prophetic 
words  : 

"  Now,  my  friends,  can  this  country  be  saved  on  the 
basis  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ?  If  it  can, 
I  will  consider  myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the 
world,  if  I  can  help  to  save  it.  If  it  cannot  be  saved 
upon  that  principle,  it  will  be  truly  awful.  But  if  this 
country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving  up  that 
principle,  I  was  about  to  say  I  would  rather  be  assas 
sinated  on  this  spot  than  surrender  it." 

All  day  Sunday  the  unending  procession  swept 
monotonously  by  the  silent  form,  and  then  once  more 
its  rest  was  disturbed  and  it  was  taken  on  to  New 
York,  that  city  where  first  he  had  gained  for  himself 
a  national  recognition,  and  where  first,  by  his  Cooper 
Union  speech,  his  availability  for  the  Presidency  had 
been  demonstrated.  As  New  York  was  the  metrop 
olis  of  the  continent,  so  here  the  demonstration  was 
most  grand  and  impressive.  In  the  escort  were 
fifteen  thousand  soldiers,  and  it  was  estimated  that 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people  passed  by  the 
coffin  one  by  one,  while  more  than  twice  that  number 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  347 

were  disappointed  in  the  attempt  to  catch  a  glimpse 
of  the  dead  face. 

As  the  train  approached  Albany  a  most  impressive 
tableau  had  been  arranged.  Just  as  the  sun  was 
setting  behind  the  distant  Catskills,  the  train  came 
into  view,  dark  and  sombre,  like  the  funeral  barge 
that  came  to  claim  the  body  of  ancient  Britain's  last 
and  greatest  king.  An  open  grave  was  dug  on  a 
beautiful  green  champaign,  and  a  woman,  majestic  and 
beautiful,  robed  to  represent  the  Goddess  of  Liberty, 
was  observed  leaning  over  the  open  grave,  into  which 
she  proceeded  to  drop  the  crown  of  laurel. 

The  same  sad  scenes  were  repeated  at  Albany, 
Buffalo,  Cleveland,  Columbus  and  Cincinnati,  and  all 
the  region  through  which  the  sad  train  passed  was 
black  with  crape  and  sprinkled  with  tears,  as  if  in 
every  cottage  there  was  a  funeral  and  in  every  heart 
the  sting  of  a  personal  bereavement.  But  it  was  in 
Chicago  that  the  home-scenes  were  first  reached. 
Those  streets  he  had  walked  in  his  earlier  days,  there 
he  was  known  personally  to  many  of  the  people  and 
much  of  the  activity  of  his  life  had  been  exerted 
there.  While  the  grief  was  no  more  heartfelt  and 
unrestrained  than  elsewhere,  there  was  the  added 
sentiment  of  personal  affliction,  and  never  had  the 
city  by  the  lake  been  more  profoundly  grieved.  The 
demonstration  was  such  as  a  friend  renders  to  the 
memory  of  another  whom  he  has  long  loved. 

Here  had  been  the  home  of  Douglas,  and  here 
reposed  his  body  under  a  majestic  monument,  reared 
upon  the  shores  of  the  lake  whose  blue  waters  he 
loved  so  well,  and  here  now  lay  the  speechless  body 
of  his  great  and  successful  rival  Well  and  bravely  had 


348  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

they  fought  life's  battles,  each  winning  by  true 
native  worth  and  honesty  of  purpose,  and  now 
the  grand  old  State,  their  foster  mother,  received 
them  back  once  more  to  rest  in  her  bosom  till  the 
last  great  day ;  the  one  beneath  the  green  sod 
of  the  prairies,  whose  spring-tide  freshness  was 
beautified  by  the  many-hued  flowers  that  dyed 
the  level  plain  with  their  brilliant  colors  ;  the  other 
by  the  side  of  the  great  lake,  whose  waters  gently 
murmured  as  they  dashed  almost  against  the  foot  of 
his  granite  monument  or  roared  with  mighty 
power  upon  the  sands — all  alike  to  him  whose  ear 
could  ne'er  be  soothed  again  by  their  musical 
cadences. 

At  last  the  funeral  train  set  out  upon  its  final  trip, 
across  the  two  hundred  miles  of  prairies  that  stretched 
between  Chicago  and  the  State  Capital,  scenes  all 
familiar  to  the  mute  occupant  of  the  funeral  car.  Here 
he  had  ridden  in  circuit  with  his  brother  lawyers 
from  one  county-seat  to  another,  and  here  were 
achieved  the  first  triumphs  that  paved  the  way  for  the 
greater  ones  to  follow.  Here  he  had  carried  the 
chain  and  compass  and  split  the  rails  which  after 
wards  gave  him  the  name  of  the  "  rail-splitter  Presi 
dent."  Here  he  knew  the  people  and  here  they  knew 
him  as  a  friend  and  trusted  him  as  a  father. 

At  last  the  train  bore  him  into  the  depot  from  which 
he  had  departed  four  years  before,  beseeching  his 
assembled  friends  to  bear  him  up  and  sustain  him 
with  the  strength  of  their  prayers. 

The  casket  stood  in  state  in  the  State  House  until  the 
day  arrived  when  the  earth  should  claim  its  own  and 
the  weary  pilgrimage  of  earth  be  ended.  Some  wished 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  349 

his  tomb  to  be  made  near  the  State  House,  so  as  to 
be  easy  of  access,  but  at  the  request  of  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
Oak  Ridge,  a  quiet  and  peaceful  cemetery,  was 
chosen. 

At  one  time,  while  riding  in  the  country  with  his 
wife,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  passed  by  a  quiet,  country 
graveyard  and,  attracted  by  the  peaceful  aspect  of  the 
place,  they  had  alighted  and  walked  slowly  through 
it.  The  President  seemed  to  be  affected  by  the  melan 
choly  beauty  of  the  place  and  said,  "  Mary,  I  am  older 
than  you  and  you  will  probably  outlive  me.  When  I 
die  I  want  you  to  lay  me  to  rest  in  some  quiet,  re 
tired  spot  like  this."  Taking  this  to  be  the  expression 
of  his  desire,  this  quiet,  suburban  cemetery  was 
selected. 

Finally,  the  body  was  taken  from  the  State  House, 
where  it  had  been  viewed  by  thousands  of  sorrowing 
friends,  and  was  placed  in  the  hearse  as  a  choir  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  singers  sang  the  familiar  hymn, 
"  Children  of  the  Heavenly  King."  Followed  by  a  long 
procession  the  hearse  passed  slowly  over  the  mile  and 
a  half  to  the  cemetery,  where  the  body  was  consigned 
to  the  grave,  and  by  its  side  was  placed  the  coffin  con 
taining  the  body  of  "little  Willie."  The  funeral 
oration  was  pronounced  by  Bishop  Simpson  and  was 
an  eloquent  and  touching  tribute  to  the  dead  Chief. 
But  in  the  whole  sermon  occurred  nothing  more 
touching  in  the  light  of  recent  events,  than  a  quota 
tion  from  one  of  Lincoln's  speeches,  made  in  1859, 
in  which,  speaking  of  the  slave-power,  he  said  : 
"  Broken  by  it  I  too  may  be,  bow  to  it  I  never  will. 
The  probability  that  we  may  fail  in  the  struggle 
ought  not  to  deter  us  from  the  support  of  a  cause 


350  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

which  I  deem  to  be  just;  and  it  shall  not  deter  me. 
If  ever  I  feel  the  soul  within  me  elevate  and  expand 
to  those  dimensions,  not  wholly  unworthy  of  its  Al 
mighty  Architect,  it  is,  when  I  contemplate  the  cause 
of  my  country,  deserted  by  all  the  world  besides,  and 
I,  standing  up  boldly  and  alone,  and  hurling  defiance 
at  her  victorious  oppressors.  Here,  without  contem 
plating  consequences,  before  high  Heaven  and  in  the 
face  of  the  world,  I  swear  eternal  fidelity  to  the  just 
causes  as  I  deem  it,  of  the  land  of  my  life,  my  liberty, 
and  my  love." 

I 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

IT  has  been  said  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  an 
ambitious  man,  but  this  is  not  wholly  true.  In  a 
broad  sense  he  was  ambitious.  It  is  true  that  his  aspi 
rations  were  not  selfish  and  that  he  did  not  desire  to 
obtain  honor  and  renown  for  their  own  sake  alone. 
He  felt  that  Providence  had  placed  him  in  an  humble 
station  in  life,  but  had  endowed  him  with  gifts  which 
entitled  him  to  occupy  a  more  exalted  and  honorable 
position.  This  he  strove  to  gain  by  first  becoming 
worthy  of  it.  He  hoped  to  attain  distinction,  but  not 
until  he  had  earned  it. 

No  man  with  the  ordinary  endowments  of  nature 
could  feel  that  honor  and  wide  reputation  were 
within  his  reach  without  the  desiring  to  secure  them. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  no  exception.  He  desired  office, 
partly  because  of  the  wider  and  higher  sphere  of 
action  it  would  open  up  to  him,  and  partly  to  satisfy 
his  honest  pride. 

He  was  not  ambitious  as  Napoleon,  Caesar  or  Alex 
ander,  but  the  exalted  ambition  of  Cromwell  and 
Washington  dwelt  within  his  breast,  the  ambition 
which  would  make  his  own  aggrandizement  redound 
to  the  advantage  of  his  country  and  of  humanity. 
It  is  such  ambition  that  has  inspired  the  grandest 
deed:  of  the  past,  and  without  it  the  American  slaves 
might  yet  be  in  chains. 

It  is  natural  that  he  should  be  deeply  gratified  at 

(350 


352  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

the  honor  conferred  upon  him  by  his  nomination  and 
election  to  the  Presidency,  yet  he  was  never  led  to 
magnify  his  own  ability  nor  the  importance  of  his 
services.  He  felt  a  deep  sense  of  his  own  unworthi- 
ness  and  did  not  hesitate  to  express  his  sentiments 
publicly. 

In  his  address  at  Assembly  Hall,  Albany,  February 
18,  1861,  he  said:  "It  is  true,  that  while  I  hold  myself, 
without  mock  modesty,  the  humblest  of  all  individu 
als  that  have  ever  been  elevated  to  the  Presidency,  I 
have  a  more  difficult  task  to  perform  than  any  one  of 
them." 

While  his  modesty  led  him  to  disparage  himself  no 
man  has  ever  invested  the  office,  which  he  was  called 
upon  to  fill,  with  a  higher  dignity.  All  his  personal 
interests,  desires  and  feelings  were  sacrificed  to  the 
demands  of  his  position.  Lincoln,  the  private  citizen, 
disappeared  forever,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861, 
and  Lincoln,  the  President,  the  servant  of  the  people, 
the  constitutional  head  of  the  Government,  took  his 
place. 

He  was  never  overbearing  and  dictatorial,  for  he 
felt  that  he  was  but  the  servant  whom  the  nation  had 
deputed  to  perform  certain  important  duties. 

He  never  exhibited  a  spirit  of  undue  partisanship 
nor  made  unfair  distinction  between  his  political 
friends  and  foes,  for,  although  he  was  elected  as  the 
standard-bearer  of  the  Republican  party,  he  conceived 
himself  to  be  the  President,  not  of  ?  party,  but  of  the 
whole  country.  From  his  point  of  view  political  sen 
timents  formed  no  basis  for  appointment  to  respon 
sible  positions.  The  only  requirements  were  patriot 
ism  and  fitness. 


ABRAHAiM     LINCOLN.  353 

The  same  spirit  of  humility  which  he  had  exhibited 
in  his  earlier  life  followed  him  throughout  his  career. 
The  praise  and  honors  that  were  accorded  to  him  he 
seldom  received  as  due  to  himself  personally  but 
rather  to  the  high  office  which  he  occupied. 

At  a  reception  tendered  him  at  Indianapolis  he 
said:  "  Most  heartily  do  I  thank  you  for  this  magnifi 
cent  reception,  yet  I  cannot  take  to  myself  any  share 
of  the  compliment  thus  paid,  more  than  that  which 
pertains  to  a  mere  instrument,  an  accidental  instru 
ment,  perhaps  I  should  say,  of  a  great  cause." 

At  Cincinnati  he  said:  "My  friends,  I  am  entirely 
overwhelmed  by  the  magnificence  of  the  reception 
which  has  been  given,  I  will  not  say  to  me,  but  to  the 
President-elect  of  the  United  States  of  America." 

At  Harrisburg  he  said:  "I  thank  your  great  com 
monwealth  for  the  overwhelming  support  it  recently 
gave,  not  to  me  personally,  but  to  the  cause  which  I 
think  a  great  one,  in  the  recent  election." 

In  his  homely  phrase  he  frequently  referred  to  him 
self  as  the  "  lead-horse  "  of  the  national  team. 

If  there  was  ever  a  time  in  his  career  when  he 
might  have  been  expected  to  indulge  in  self-gratu- 
lation  it  was  when  he  was  informed  of  his  second 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Republican 
party.  The  war  was  in  its  last  stages.  The  beginning 
of  the  end  was  at  hand.  The  crowning  victory  could 
even  then  be  foreseen,  and  to  him  more  than  to  any 
other  one  person  was  this  result  due.  Yet  his  wonted 
modesty  did  not  forsake  him.  In  his  reply  to  the 
congratulations  of  the  National  Union  League,  June 
9,  1864,  he  said: 

"Gentlemen: — I  can  only   say  in  response  to  the 


354  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

remarks  of  your  Chairman,  that  I  am  very  grateful 
for  the  renewed  confidence  which  has  been  accorded 
to  me,  both  by  the  convention  and  the  National 
League.  I  am  not  insensible  at  all  to  the  personal 
compliment  there  is  in  this,  yet  I  do  not  allow  myself 
to  believe  that  any  but  a  small  portion  of  it  is  to  be 
appropriated  as  a  personal  compliment  to  me.  The 
Convention  and  the  Nation,  I  am  assured,  are  alike 
animated  by  a  higher  view  of  the  interests  of 
the  country,  for  the  present  and  the  great  future, 
and  the  part  I  am  entitled  to  appropriate  as  a  com 
pliment  is  only  that  part  which  I  may  lay  hold  of 
as  being  the  opinion  of  the  Convention  and  of  the 
League  that  I  am  not  entirely  unworthy  to  be  intrusted 
with  the  place  I  have  occupied  the  past  three  years. 

"I  have  not  permitted  myself,  gentlemen,  to  conclude 
that  I  am  the  best  man  in  the  country  ;  but  I  am  re 
minded  in  this  connection  of  an  old  Dutch  farmer, 
who  once  remarked  to  a  companion  that  '  it  was  not 
best  to  swap  a  horse  when  crossing  a  stream.* " 

His  patience  and  forbearance  in  the  presence  of 
insult  and  criticism  were  remarkable.  For  the  good 
of  the  country  he  could  rise  above  all  personal  con 
sideration  and  become  invulnerable  to  all  the  shafts 
of  malice.  This  quality  is  most  strikingly  illustrated 
in  his  relations  to  General  McClellan.  The  world 
will  never  know  just  how  much  he  was  compelled  to 
bear  from  this  distinguished  General.  McClellan  not 
only  disregarded  his  authority  as  Commander-in- 
Chief,  but  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  violate  the  cour 
tesy  due  from  one  gentleman  to  another. 

Judge  Kelly  relates  the  following  incident,  which 
illustrates  this  fact. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  355 

"  When  the  President,  impelled  by  anxiety  for  the 
country,  waived  questions  of  official  etiquette  and 
proceeded  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army,  the 
announcement  of  his  presence  was  more  than  once 
greeted  with  boisterous  and  derisive  laughter,  evi 
dently  intended  for  his  ears;  and  there  was  one  occa 
sion  when  it  was  more  than  whispered  by  those 
immediately  about  the  President,  that  he  was  made 
to  wait  nearly  an  hour  while  men  who  denied  the 
right  of  the  Government  to  maintain  the  Union  by 
force  of  arms  engaged  McClellan's  attention  ;  and 
when  at  his  own  good  time  the  General  concluded  to 
see  his  Commander-in-Chief,  his  departing  guests 
visibly  sneered  at  that  officer  as  they  passed  the  door 
of  the  cold  chamber  in  which  he  had  been  so  long 
imprisoned."  1 

Notwithstanding  such  treatment,  added  to  abso 
lute  insubordination,  the  President  bore  with  General 
McClellan  and  supported  him  heartily  just  as  long  as 
the  public  interests  seemed  to  demand  it. 

Under  other  circumstances  and  where  less  vital 
interests  were  concerned  such  patience  would  be 
attributed  to  meanness  of  spirit,  but  here  it  only 
serves  to  confirm  more  fully  the  greatness  of  Lin 
coln's  character. 

He  never  shrunk  from  taking  upon  himself  the 
responsibility  of  any  movement  or  policy  which  had 
resulted  disastrously,  if  it  had  been  entered  upon  by 
his  advice  or  consent. 

When  he  re-instated  General  McClellan  in  the 
command  of  the  army  he  was  severely  criticised  on 


1  "•  Lincoln  and  Stanton  "  page  7. 


356  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

all  sides.  It  was  probably  the  most  unpopular  move 
he  could  have  made.  When  it  was  announced  in  the 
Cabinet  meeting,  Mr.  Stanton  expressed  his  dis 
approval  and  stated  that  no  such  order  had  been 
issued  from  the  War  Department. 

"No,  Mr.  Secretary,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  "the 
order  was  mine  and  I  will  be  responsible  for  it  to  the 
country." 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  succeeded  to  the  Presidency,  he 
found  the  administrative  offices  filled  by  Mr. 
Buchanan's  appointees,  many  of  whom  were  known 
to  be  disaffected  and  others  were  under  grave  sus 
picions.  Mr.  Lincoln  feared  to  intrust  any  of  them 
with  important  Government  business  and,  therefore, 
called  to  his  assistance  several  private  citizens,  who 
were  known  to  be  able,  honest  and  patriotic.  This 
was  done  largely  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Cameron, 
the  Secretary  of  War,  to  whom  the  President  had 
given  the  necessary  instructions. 

Congress  failed  to  appreciate  the  situation  knowing 
only  that  private  citizens  had  been  intrusted  with 
large  sums  of  public  money  without  giving  any  secur 
ity  for  its  proper  application.  A  resolution  was  there 
fore  passed  censuring  the  Secretary.  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  unwilling  that  his  Secretary  should  rest  under  a 
false  imputation,  and  immediately  sent  the  following 
remarkable  communication  to  Congress." 

"May  29,  1862. 
"  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

"  The  insurrection,  which  is  yet  existing  in  the  United  States 
and  aims  at  the  overthrow  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  was  clandestinely  prepared  during  the  winter  of  1860 
and  1861  and  assumed  an  open  organization  in  the  form  of  a 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  357 

treasonable  provisional  government  at  Montgomery,  in  Ala 
bama,  on  the  1 8th  day  of  February,  1861.  On  the  I2th  day  of 
April,  1861,  the  insurgents  committed  the  flagrant  act  of  civil 
war  by  bombardment  and  capture  of  Fort  Sumter,  which  cut  off 
the  hope  of  immediate  conciliation.  Immediately  afterwards  all 
the  roads  and  avenues  to  this  city  were  obstructed,  and  the 
Capital  was  put  into  the  condition  of  a  siege.  The  mails  in 
every  direction  were  stopped,  and  the  lines  of  telegraph  cut  off 
by  the  insurgents ;  and  military  and  naval  forces,  which  had 
been  called  out  by  the  Government  for  the  defense  of  Washing 
ton,  were  prevented  from  reaching  the  city  by  organized  and 
combined  treasonable  resistance  in  the  State  of  Maryland. 
There  was  no  adequate  and  effective  organization  for  public 
defense.  Congress  had  indefinitely  adjourned.  There  was  no 
time  to  convene  them.  It  became  necessary  for  me  to  choose 
whether,  using  only  the  existing  means,  agencies  and  processes 
which  Congress  had  provided,  I  should  let  the  Government  fall 
at  once  into  ruin,  or  whether  availing  myself  of  the  broader 
powers  conferred  by  the  Constitution  in  cases  of  insurrection, 
I  would  make  an  effort  to  save  it,  with  all  its  blessings,  for  the 
present  age  and  posterity. 

"  I  thereupon  summoned  my  constitutional  advisers,  the  heads 
of  all  the  Departments,  to  meet  on  Sunday,  the  2oth  day  of 
April,  1861,  at  the  office  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  then  and 
there,  with  their  unanimous  concurrence,  I  directed  that  an 
armed  revenue  cutter  should  proceed  to  sea,  to  afford  protec 
tion  to  the  commercial  marine  and  especially  to  the  California 
treasure-ships  then  on  their  way  to  this  coast.  I  also  directed 
the  commandant  of  the  navy-yard  at  Boston  to  purchase  or 
charter  and  arm  as  quickly  as  possible  five  steamships  for  pur 
poses  of  public  defense.  I  directed  the  commandant  of  the 
navy-yard  at  Philadelphia  to  purchase  or  charter  and  arm  an 
equal  number  for  the  same  purpose.  I  directed  the  command 
ant  at  New  York  to  purchase  or  charter  and  arm  an  equal  num 
ber  for  the  same  purpose.  I  directed  Commander  Gillis  to  pur 
chase  or  charter  and  arm,  and  put  to  sea,  two  other  vessels. 
Similar  directions  were  given  to  Commodore  Du  Pont,  with  a 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

view  to  opening  the  passages  by  water  to  and  from  the  Capital. 
I  directed  the  several  officers  to  take  the  advice  and  obtain  the 
aid  and  efficient  services  in  the  matter  of  his  Excellency,  Edwin 
D.  Morgan,  the  Governor  of  New  York,  or,  in  his  absence, 
George  D.  Morgan,  William  M.  Evarts,  R.  M.  Blatchford  and 
Moses  H.  Grinnell,  who  were,  by  my  directions,  especially 
empowered  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  act  for  his  Depart 
ment  in  that  crisis,  in  matters  pertaining  to  the  forwarding  of 
the  troops  and  supplies  for  the  public  defense. 

"  On  the  same  occasion  I  directed  that  Governor  Morgan  and 
Alexander  Cummings,  of  the  City  of  New  York,  should  be 
authorized  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  Simon  Cameron,  to  make 
all  necessary  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  troops  and 
munitions  of  war,  in  aid  and  assistance  of  the  officers  of  the 
Army  of  the  United  States,  until  communication  by  mails  and 
telegraph  should  be  completely  re-established  between  the 
cities  of  New  York  and  Washington.  No  security  was 
required  to  be  given  by  them,  and  either  of  them  was  author 
ized  to  act  in  case  of  inability  to  consult  with  the  others. 

"  On  the  same  occasion  I  authorized  and  directed  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury  to  advance,  without  requiring  security,  two 
millions  of  dollars  of  public  money  to  John  A.  Dix,  George 
Opdyke  and  Richard  M.  Blatchford,  of  New  York,  to  be  used 
by  them  in  meeting  such  requisitions  as  should  be  directly  con 
sequent  upon  the  military  and  naval  measures  necessary  for  the 
defense  and  support  of  the  Government,  requiring  them 
only  to  act  without  compensation,  and  to  report  their  transac 
tions  when,  duly  called  upon.  The  several  Departments  of  the 
Government  at  that  time  contained  so  large  a  number  of  dis 
loyal  persons  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  provide 
safely,  through  official  agents  only,  for  the  performance  of  the 
duties  thus  confided  to  citizens  favorably  known  for  their 
ability,  loyalty  and  patriotism. 

"  The  several  orders  issued  upon  these  occurrences  were 
transmitted  by  private  messengers,  who  pursued  a  circuitous 
way  to  the  seaboard  cities,  inland,  across  the  States  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  Ohio  and  the  northern  lakes.  I  believe  that  by 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  359 

these  and  other  similar  measures  taken  in  that  crisis,  some  of 
which  were  without  any  authority  of  law,  the  Government  was 
saved  from  overthrow.  I  am  not  aware  that  a  dollar  of  the 
public  funds  thus  confided  without  authority  of  law  to  unofficial 
persons  was  either  lost  or  wasted,  although  apprehension  of 
such  misdirection  occurred  to  me  as  objections  to  these 
extraordinary  proceedings  and  were  necessarily  overruled. 

"  I  recall  these  transactions  now  because  my  attention  has 
been  directed  to  a  resolution  which  was  passed  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  3oth  day  of  last  month,  which  is  in 
these  words : 

" '  RESOLVED,  That  Simon  Cameron,  late  Secretary  of  War, 
by  investing  Alexander  Cummings  with  the  control  of  large 
sums  of  the  public  money,  and  authority  to  purchase  military 
supplies  without  restriction,  without  requiring  of  him  any 
guarantee  for  the  faithful  performance  of  his  duties,  when  the 
services  of  competent  public  officers  were  available,  and  by 
involving  the  Government  in  a  vast  number  of  contracts  with 
persons  not  legitimately  engaged  in  the  business  pertaining  to 
the  subject-matter  of  such  contracts,  especially  in  the  purchase 
of  arms  for  future  delivery,  has  adopted  a  policy  highly  injuri 
ous  to  the  public  service  and  deserves  the  censure  of  the 
House.' 

"  Congress  will  see  that  I  should  be  wanting  equally  in  can 
dor  and  in  justice,  if  I  should  leave  the  censure  thus  expressed 
in  this  resolution  to  rest  exclusively  or  chiefly  on  Mr.  Cameron. 
The  same  sentiment  is  unanimously  entertained  by  the  heads 
of  departments,  who  participated  in  the  proceedings  which  the 
House  of  Representatives  has  censured.  It  is  due  to  Mr.  Came 
ron  to  say  that,  although  he  fully  approved  the  proceedings, 
they  were  not  moved  or  suggested  by  himself,  and  that  not  only 
the  President  but  all  the  other  heads  of  Departments  were,  at 
least,  equally  responsible  with  him  for  whatever  error,  wrong 
or  fault  was  committed  on  the  premises. 

"A.  LINCOLN." 

General  Palmer  te.lls  this  story  of  Lincoln  :  "  I  was 


360  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

once  called  to  Washington  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln  on  a 
matter  of  business.  It  was  in  1865.  I  was  shown 
into  an  ante-room  and  waited  for  some  time.  I  saw 
Senators  and  others  going  in,  and  finally  I  was  called. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  being  shaved.  He  said  I  was  home 
folks  and  he  could  shave  before  me.  I  said  to  him  : 
'  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  I  had  supposed  at  the  Chicago  Con 
vention  that  nominated  you  that  we  would  have  this 
terrible  war,  I  would  never  have  thought  of  going 
down  to  a  one-horse  town  and  getting  a  one-horse  law 
yer  for  President.'  I  did  not  know  how  he  would  take 
it,  but  rather  expected  an  answer  I  could  laugh  at.  But 
he  brushed  the  barber  to  one  side  and  with  a  solemn 
face  turned  to  me  and  said  :  '  Neither  would  I,  Pal 
mer.  I  don't  believe  any  great  man  with  a  policy 
could  have  saved  the  country.  If  I  have  contributed 
to  the  saving  of  the  country  it  was  because  I  attended 
to  the  duties  of  each  day  with  the  hope  that  when  to 
morrow  came  I  would  be  equal  to  the  duties  of  that 
day,'  and  he  turned  to  the  barber." 

No  man  could  have  been  more  careless  of  his  own 
labor  and  suffering  and  more  careful  of  that  of  others. 
Bloodshed  and  suffering  on  the  field  and  in  the  camp 
caused  him  the  deepest  pain.  "  Oh,  when  will  this 
cruel  war  cease  ? "  was  often  the  burden  of  his 
thought.  The  whole  weight  and  responsibility  of  the 
war  seemed  to  fall  upon  his  shoulders  and  no  one  will 
ever  know  the  anguish  of  his  heart  when  he  felt  that 
the  victory  which  he  hoped  to  win  must  be  bought 
with  the  price  of  thousands  of  precious  lives.  Well 

1  might  one  say  of  him,  "  truly  he  was  the  saddest  man 
I  ever  saw." 

His  nature  was  exceedingly  tender  and  compassion- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  361 

ate  and  sometimes  led  him  to  sacrifice  the  demands 
of  justice  to  those  of  mercy.  To  maintain  the  proper 
degree  of  discipline  in  the  army  it  was  necessary  at 
times  for  the  officers  to  inflict  the  severest  punishment 
upon  those  who  were  guilty  of  cowardice  or  who  had 
wantonly  disobeyed  important  regulations. 

If  there  were  the  slightest  grounds  upon  which 
such  a  sentence  could  be  commuted  or  annulled  Mr. 
Lincoln  never  failed  to  take  advantage  of  them.  The 
stricken  mother  or  wife  was  seldom  turned  away 
in  disappointment.  His  subordinates  accused  him 
of  too  often  mingling  mercy  with  justice  and  it 
is  more  than  possible  that  discipline  in  the  field  was 
less  rigid  because  of  the  gentle  heart  of  the  President. 

A  personal  friend  of  his  says  :  "  I  called  on  him  one 
day  in  the  early  part  of  the  war.  He  had  just  written 
a  pardon  for  a  young  man  who  had  been  sentenced  to 
be  shot  for  sleeping  at  his  post  as  a  sentinel.  He 
remarked  as  he  read  it  to  me  : 

"  *  I  could  not  think  of  going  into  eternity  with  the 
blood  of  the  poor  young  man  on  my  skirts.' 
Then  he  added  :  *  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  a 
boy,  raised  on  a  farm,  probably  in  the  habit  of  going 
to  bed  at  dark,  should  fall  asleep,  when  required 
to  watch  ;  and  I  cannot  consent  to  shoot  him  for 
such  an  act."1 

It  is  said  that  this  young  man  was  killed  at  the 
battle  of  Fredericksburg  and  that  a  photograph  of 
the  President  was  found  on  his  body  next  to  his  heart, 
with  these  words  written  upon  it,  "God  bless  Presi 
dent  Lincoln." 

Rev.  Newman  Hull  relates  that  an  officer  in  the 
army  once  said  to  him  : 


362  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

"  The  first  week  of  my  command,  there  were 
twenty-four  deserters  sentenced  by  court-martial  to 
be  shot,  and  the  warrants  for  their  execution  were 
sent  to  the  President  for  his  signature.  He  refused 
to  give  it.  I  went  to  Washington  and  had  an  inter 
view  with  him,  I  said  : 

"  *  Mr.  President,  unless  these  men  are  made  an 
example  of,  the  army  itself  is  in  danger.  Mercy  to 
the  few  is  cruelty  to  the  many/ 

"  He  replied  :  *  Mr.  General,  there  are  already  too 
many  weeping  widows  in  the  United  States.  For 
God's  sake,  do  not  ask  me  to  add  to  the  number,  for 
I  won't  do  it.'  " 

During  the  war  hundreds  of  lives  were  spared,  from 
what  now  seems  a  needless  sacrifice,  by  executive 
clemency. 

In  this  respect  Lincoln  and  Stanton  were  in  striking 
contrast.  The  great  War  Secretary  had  a  kindly 
heart  under  his  gruff  exterior  and  it  caused  him  deep 
pain  to  confirm  death  sentences,  but  he  felt  that 
the  discipline  of  the  army  and  the  welfare  and  safety 
of  the  country  demanded  it.  When  applications  for 
mercy  were  made  to  him  he  often  assumed  the  inex 
orable  sternness  of  a  just  judge,  in  order  that  he 
might  not  be  influenced  by  the  grief,  which  appealed 
so  strongly  to  his  heart. 

Lincoln  could  not  conceal  his  feelings  and  his 
sympathy  showed  itself  in  every  word  and  look  and 
sometimes  led  him  to  extend  clemency  where  his 
reason  could  not  approve. 

In  an  earlier  age  of  the  world  such  merciful  inter 
ference  to  mitigate  the  severity  of  military  law  would 
have  been  attended  with  disastrous  results  to  the 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  363 

country  and  the  cause  ;  at  this  day  it  is  doubtful  if  it 
can  even  be  called  a  weakness.  It  is  apparent,  from 
the  vantage-ground  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  that  the 
President's  course  was  the  wiser  one. 

In  his  personal  habits  he  was  abstemious  and 
simple.  He  wore  the  plainest  and  most  unpreten 
tious  garments  and  was  satisfied  with  a  simple  and 
homely  fare.  Charges  of  drunkenness,  which  were  at 
one  time  made  against  him,  never  had  less  founda 
tion  in  fact. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  visited  at  Springfield  by  the 
committee  appointed  to  notify  him  of  his  nomination, 
he  thought,  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony,  that  custom 
would  require  him  to  treat  the  committee  with  some 
thing  to  drink.  Opening  a  door  that  led  into  a  room 
in  the  rear,  he  called  out,  "  Mary,  Mary  !  "  A  girl 
responded  to  the  call  to  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  a 
few  words  in  an  undertone.  In  a  short  time  the  girl 
returned  bringing  a  large  server,  upon  which  were  a 
pitcher  and  several  glasses,  and  placed  it  upon  the 
table.  Mr.  Lincoln  arose  and  gravely  addressing  the 
company,  said:  "Gentlemen,  we  must  pledge  our 
mutual  healths  in  the  most  healthy  beverage  God  has 
given  to  man.  It  is  the  only  beverage  I  have  ever 
used  or  allowed  in  my  family,  and  I  cannot  conscien 
tiously  depart  from  it  on  the  present  occasion.  It  is 
pure  Adam's  ale  from  the  spring."  Raising  his  tum 
bler,  he  pledged  the  company  in  a  cup  of  cold  water. 

His  first  printed  composition,  written  when  a  mere 
boy  was  a  vigorous  denunciation  of  the  evils  of 
intemperance  among  the  settlers  in  the  frontier,  and 
from  that  time  he  was  a  total  abstainer.  At  one  time 
during  the  war,  a  number  of  gentlemen  clubbed 


364  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

together  and  bought  a  large  assortment  of  the  finest 
wines  and  liquors  and  sent  them  as  a  gift  to  the  Presi 
dent.  The  gift  was  courteously  acknowledged  and 
immediately  transferred  to  the  city  hospitals  where 
it  was  put  to  a  worthy  use. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  stands  before  the  world  as  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  characters  in  modern  history, 
such  an  one  as  America  alone  could  produce.  In  no 
other  country  could  a  boy,  born  in  the  lowest  walks 
of  life,  oppressed  by  seemingly  hopeless  poverty  and 
without  any  external  advantages  save  those  which 
nature  furnished,  aspire  to  so  lofty  a  career.  And 
even  here  it  is  still  a  marvel  that  the  ragged,  ignorant 
and  uncouth  backwoods  boy  may  yet  become  Presi 
dent. 

From  his  earliest  boyhood  Lincoln's  intellectual 
growth  was  regular  and  vigorous.  His  adverse  sur 
roundings  only  served  to  stimulate  him  to  increased 
effort.  He  had  the  heart  of  a  pioneer  and  was  not 
afraid  to  forsake  the  paths  which  had  been  trodden 
by  his  ancestors  to  strike  out  into  roads  which  were 
as  dangerous  as  they  were  unknown. 

His  boldness  in  ignoring  precedent,  and  his  confi 
dence  in  his  own  ability  to  overcome  the  difficulties 
with  which  he  was  surrounded,  had  their  origin  in  the 
hardships  and  privations  of  his  early  life.  The 
barren  farm  and  the  gloomy  woods  were  hard  train 
ing  schools,  but  they  were  thorough  and  effective,  and 
his  whole  life  showed  their  influence.  Had  he  been 
brought  up  under  more  favorable  surroundings,  his 

(365) 


366  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

character  could  never  have  developed  the  peculiar 
traits  which  made  his  career  possible.  The  strength 
of  the  oak  was  in  his  frame,  and  the  brightness  and 
originality  of  Nature  in  her  simplicity  and  purity  were 
in  his  mind. 

In  his  daily  life  he  frequently  showed  a  lack 
of  culture,  but  his  rudeness  was  like  the  rough 
bark  of  the  oak  which  proclaims,  while  it  conceals, 
the  solid  timber  within.  The  very  ruggedness  of  his 
character  was  rendered  attractive  by  the  nobility  of 
his  nature  and  kindliness  of  his  disposition. 

One  remarkable  feature  of  his  life  is  that  he  was  al 
ways  in  advance  of  his  surroundings.  His  mind  was  so 
sensitive  and  vigorous  that,  while  he  did  not  despise 
the  circumstances  by  which  he  was  surrounded, 
he  was  filled  with  a  discontent  which  was  continually 
urging  him  onward  to  increased  exertions.  Of  this 
feeling  he  seldom  spoke,  but  there  is  abundant  evi 
dence  of  its  presence  throughout  the  whole  of  his 
earlier  life. 

The  constant  tendency  of  his  environment  was  to 
bind  him  down  to  a  dull,  plodding  life.  If  he  had 
been  content  to  remain  the  creature  of  circumstance 
his  name  would  have  been  unknown  to  the  world. 
Even  before  he  was  old  enough  to  recognize  the  pres 
ence  of  aspirations  he  had  a  vague  consciousness  that 
the  life  he  was  living  was  not  the  best  attainable. 
As  this  consciousness  developed  into  a  fixed  ambition, 
evidences  of  its  power  and  influence  multiplied. 

In  school  he  was  the  leading  scholar  in  his  classes 
and  easily  outranked  those  whose  advantages  were 
far  superior  to  his  own. 

An  illustration  of  his  intellectual  superiority  over 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  367 

his  associates  is  given  by  a  lady  who  was  a  former 
schoolmate  of  his. 

"  One  evening,"  says  she,  "  Abe  and  I  were  sitting 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  ;  I  said  to  him  that  the  sun 
was  going  down.  He  replied:  *  That's  not  so;  it 
doesn't  really  go  down;  it  seems  so.  The  earth  turns 
from  west  to  east  and  the  revolution  of  the  earth 
carries  us  under  ;  we  do  the  sinking  as  you  call  it. 
The  sun,  as  to  us,  is  comparatively  still  ;  the  sun's 
sinking  is  only  an  appearance.'  I  replied,  *  Abe,  what 
a  fool  you  are  !'  I  know  now  that  I  was  the  fool,  not 
Lincoln.  I  am  now  thoroughly  satisfied  that  Abe 
knew  the  general  laws  of  astronomy  and  the  move 
ments  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  He  was  better  read 
then  than  the  world  knows  or  is  likely  to  know  ex 
actly.  He  was  the  learned  boy  among  us  unlearned 
folks." 

His  family  and  associates  were  easily  content  with 
their  humble  station  and  had  little  ambition  to  rise 
in  the  world.  They  were  satisfied  to  toil  unceasingly 
if  they  could  thereby  win  their  scanty  fare  and  humble 
raiment.  For  more  they  cared  not.  But  young  Lin 
coln  was  of  different  mould.  He  was  not  content  to 
live  for  the  present  alone,  but  worked  and  thought 
and  planned  for  the  future.  While  others  slept  he 
studied. 

He  was  moved  by  vague  and  restless  aspirations, 
to  what  end  he  hardly  knew;  but,  like  a  drowning  man, 
he  grasped  at  every  straw  hoping  that  in  some  way 
he  might  lift  himself  a  little  above  the  dead  level  of  his 
surroundings.  From  boyhood  the  purpose  was  strong 
within  him  to  excel  his  companions  and  if  possible  to 
make  himself  distinguished. 


368  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

This  ambition  manifested  itself,  perhaps  uncon 
sciously,  in  his  every-day  life.  He  gloried  in  his 
physical  prowess  and  never  rested  until  he  was  recog 
nized  as  the  champion  of  the  neighborhood.  But  the 
hand  that  could  fell  his  rival  to  the  ground  with  a 
single  blow  and  bury  an  ax  deeper  in  a  tree-trunk 
than  any  one  else  could  also  hold  the  pen.  His  am 
bition  looked  forward  to  literary  distinction,  and  his 
rude  compositions,  which  passed  for  poetry,  were  the 
marvel  of  the  neighborhood. 

It  was  not  until  he  came  in  contact  with  one  of  the 
leading  lawyers  of  the  day,  that  his  aspirations  took 
definite  shape.  Then  was  placed  clearly  before  him 
an  object  which  he  persistently  endeavored  to  attain. 
It  was  a  long  step  from  Lincoln  the  ragged,  awkward, 
backwoods  boy  to  Lincoln  the  lawyer,  yet  he  was 
convinced  of  his  ability  to  take  it.  Henceforth,  he 
was  dominated  by  a  fixed  and  persistent  purpose. 

When  he  had  no  money  to  buy  books  he  borrowed 
them.  When  he  was  compelled  to  labor  during  the 
day  he  studied  far  into  the  night  by  the  flickering 
light  of  a  fire.  His  purpose  never  faltered,  although 
oppressed  by  discouragements  and  financial  failure. 
At  New  Salem  he  was  recognized  as  the  most  learned 
man  in  the  community,  and  when  he  moved  into  the 
more  cultured  society  of  Springfield  it  did  not  take 
him  long  to  rise  to  its  level,  and  even  to  become  an 
intellectual  leader. 

As  a  technical  lawyer  he  did  not  gain  a  wide  repu 
tation.  He  recognized  the  law  as  the  business  by 
which  he  must  support  himself,  but  his  tastes  ran  in 
other  and  diverse  channels. 

In  his  legal  associations  he  was  brought  into  con- 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  369 

tact  with  many  bright,  keen  minds,  and  from  them  he 
gained  a  stimulus  to  his  own  mental  powers.  The 
morality  of  the  bar  was  not  irreproachable,  but  Lin 
coln  never  lent  himself  to  those  practices  which,  al 
though  of  questionable  character,  were  yet  common 
among  his  fellow-barristers.  Others  might  know 
ingly  defend  a  guilty  man,  but  he  would  never  do  so, 
It  mattered  not  how  large  the  fee  offered,  he  scorned 
to  do  or  defend  or  in  any  way  to  countenance  a  dis 
honorable  deed. 

In  legal  learning  he  was  excelled  by  many  of  his 
associates,  but  in  correctness  of  judgment,  fertility  of 
resources  and  skill  in  the  conduct  of  a  case  he  had 
few  equals,  perhaps  no  superiors. 

Yet  as  a  lawyer  alone  he  would  never  have  gained 
an  extensive  or  a  lasting  reputation. 

Much  of  the  success  of  his  after  career,  however, 
was  due  to  the  training  which  his  legal  experiences 
gave.  His  quick  insight  into  character  and  motives, 
his  unerring  judgment  and  the  rapidity  with  which 
he  arrived  at  right  conclusions  are  all  directly  trace 
able  to  this  period  of  his  life. 

In  politics  he  was  a  born  leader,  standing  not  only 
before  the  rank  and  file  of  his  party,  but  far  above 
them  as  well.  He  led  the  advance  not  as  a  trained 
woodsman,  who  tracks  the  pathless  forests  by  means 
of  landmarks  which  others  have  located,  but  rather 
like  a  mariner,  who  sets  out  upon  an  unknown  sea, 
trusting  the  unerring  compass  to  guide  his  course. 

In  the  sparse  backwoods  settlements  in  his  boy 
hood  the  political  fever  was  not  wont  to  run  high. 
His  father  was  a  Democrat,  but  not  an  ardent  one; 
hence,  when  a  biography  of  Henry  Clay  fell  into  the 


37°  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

boy's  hands  it  is  a  matter  of  no  surprise  that  he  be 
came  an  earnest  believer  in  the  political  principles 
which  found  one  of  their  ablest  advocates  in  Clay, 
who  for  years  was  the  object  of  Lincoln's  ardent 
admiration. 

But  Lincoln's  character  and  disposition  would  not 
permit  him  to  become  an  old  line  Whig.  As  he  had 
pushed  on  away  from  the  conservative  Democratic 
party,  so  he  soon  found  himself  entering  new  fields 
and  advancing  fresh  political  doctrines  as  startling  as 
they  were  novel. 

He  was  compelled  to  labor  at  his  legal  practice,  but 
his  heart  was  in  politics  and  he  never  was  so  happy  as 
when  engaged  in  heated  discussions  or  addressing  an 
audience  with  fervid  eloquence  from  stump  or  plat 
form.  Few  trained  debaters  could  gain  an  advantage 
over  him.  By  argument  and  ridicule,  by  a  plain  and 
convincing  presentation  of  his  points  or  by  illustrat 
ing  them  with  apt  stories  he  seldom  failed  to  dis 
comfit  his  adversary. 

He  not  only  excelled  in  the  ability  to  present,  his 
thoughts,  but  also  in  clear  and  logical  thinking.  In 
all  his  mental  processes  he  was  careful  and  pains 
taking,  never  sparing  the  labor  necessary  to  perfect 
his  knowledge.  His  habits  of  thinking,  as  well  as  of 
speech  were  moulded  by  his  early  life.  The  Bible 
formed  his  chief  text-book  and  he  studied  it  until  he 
appropriated  many  of  the  characteristics  of  its  sub 
lime  style  and  his  mind  was  shaped  by  its  precepts. 

His  ability  as  a  speaker  established  for  him  a  per 
manent  sway  over  the  simple-minded  people  who 
made  up  the  bulk  of  the  population.  He  never  failed 
to  win  and  retain  the  attention  of  his  audience,  no 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  371 

matter  what  the  subject  of  his  discourse  might  be. 
He  accomplished  this  by  having  something  to  say 
and  being  able  to  say  it  well. 

At  the  bar,  on  the  platform  and  in  the  legislative 
halls  he  had  but  one  real  rival,  and  that  was  Douglas. 
On  whatever  field  they  met  their  rivalry  was  ever 
present,  generally  amicable,  sometimes  heated,  but 
always  intense. 

In  politics  Lincoln  was  always  in  advance  of  his 
party,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  he  often  appeared  as 
the  leader  of  a  forlorn  hope,  apparently  courting  cer 
tain  destruction.  Although  often  called  a  radical  the 
term  could  never  be  properly  applied  to  him;  while 
his  political  ideal  was  far  higher  than  that  of  either 
great  party,  he  was  cautious  and  conservative  when 
any  great  step  was  to  be  taken,  and  always  counted 
the  cost  and  planned  the  way  with  close  attention  to 
the  smallest  details. 

He  early  determined  to  take  a  positive  and  consis 
tent  stand  against  slavery,  for  he  saw  that  this  insti 
tution  must  continue  to  be  the  one  paramount  ques 
tion  at  issue  between  the  North  and  South  until  it 
should  be  settled  either  peaceably  or  by  force.  He 
did  not  often  give  utterance  to  his  feelings,  nor  was 
his  opposition  of  that  blind,  fanatical  sort  which  chose 
to  destroy  the  institution,  even  if  at  the  same  time  con 
stitutional  rights  should  be  violated. 

The  Abolitionists  no  doubt  did  a  great  work  in 
educating  the  North  in  anti-slavery  sentiments,  yet 
alone  they  would  never  have  accomplished  their  pur 
poses.  They  would  oppose  violence  to  violence,  law 
lessness  to  lawlessness.  Their  actions  were  heroic 
and  self-sacrificing  and  their  names  will  always  be 


372  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

honored  by  lovers  of  freedom  everywhere  ;  but  their 
role  was  agitation.  The  final  blow  must  be  struck  by 
stronger  hands  guided  by  cooler  heads. 

With  the  radical  principles  of  the  Abolitionists 
Lincoln  was  never  in  sympathy,  partly  from  a  natural 
repugnance  to  their  methods,  and  partly  from  his 
association  with  a  class  of  people  who  tacitly  favored 
Southern  principles. 

He  believed  that  the  institution  was  radically 
wrong  ;  the  sound  of  the  lash  upon  human  flesh  stung 
his  sensitive  feelings  to  the  quick  ;  the  horrors  of  the 
slave  pen  were  utterly  repugnant  to  him  ;  yet  slavery 
was  tacitly  recognized  by  the  Constitution,  and. the 
Constitution  was  the  organic  law  of  the  land,  hence 
the  institution  could  not  be  attacked  without  as 
sailing  the  very  rock  upon  which  the  nation  was 
founded. 

He  reverenced  the  Constitution,  and  recognized 
that  the  safety  of  Republican  institutions  could  only 
be  maintained  by  an  implicit  observance  of  its  provi 
sions.  Therefore,  he  could  have  no  sympathy  with 
those  who  would  destroy  the  Constitution  to  attain 
their  end,  even  if  that  end  should  be  in  itself  most 
desirable.  On  the  other  hand,  he  was  an  uncompro 
mising  foe  to  all  attempts  to  extend  slavery  beyond 
the  bounds  imposed  upon  it  by  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise.  Here,  then,  was  the  pith  of  his  political  doc 
trines,  the  one  policy  he  never  deviated  from.  His 
position  was  open  to  attack  on  both  sides  and  excited 
bitter  hostility  from  both  friend  and  foe. 

He  did  not  enter  actively  into  the  struggle  until 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  cind  from  that 
time  he  devoted  his  whole  soul  to  the  conflict  from 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  373 

which  he  was  destined  never  to  rest  until  slavery  had 
been  eliminated  from  American  institutions.  In  the 
very  beginning  he  found  himself  pitted  against  his 
old-time  rival,  Douglas,  and  until  his  election  to  the 
Presidency  they  represented  the  opposing  forces  in 
the  great  issue. 

Mr.  Lincoln  became  the  soul  of  the  Republican 
party  in  the  West  and  its  political  censor.  It  was 
difficult  to  impress  upon  his  constituents  the  truth  of 
his  ideas  in  a  time  when  intense  and  heated  partisan 
ship  was  the  rule,  and  moderation  was  not  recognized 
as  a  virtue.  He  ran  the  risk  of  being  repudiated  by 
his-  party  and  suffered  a  temporary  defeat  rather  than 
modify  his  principles  in  the  least.  "  I  would  rather  be 
defeated  on  this  platform,"  said  he,  "  than  win  upon 
any  other." 

On  this  question  he  was  so  far  in  advance  of  his 
surroundings  that  it  took  his  party  years  to  learn  the 
wisdom  of  his  views.  When  the  great  Senatorial 
conflict  began  he  felt  that  the  time  and  opportunity 
had  arrived  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of  his  doctrines 
to  the  people.  He  and  Douglas  entered  into  the  con 
test  with  widely  varying  motives.  Douglas  sought 
vindication  and  re-election,  Lincoln  sought  to  edu 
cate  and  convince  the  people.  He  felt  that  the  result 
immediately  in  view,  the  Senatorial  election,  was 
trivial  in  comparison  with  the  uplifting  impulse  which 
might  be  given  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  Republican 
principles.  During  the  whole  debate  he  stood  on  a 
higher  level  than  Douglas  and  made  the  more  pro 
found  and  lasting  impression. 

His  views  were  given  greater  prominence  by  the 
great  Cooper  Union  address,  which  formulated  and 


374  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

fixed  the  doctrines  that  were  to  define  the  real  issue 
between  the  North  and  South. 

During  the  dark  days  that  followed  between  his 
election  and  inauguration  he  did  not  fail  to  appre 
ciate  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  was  ready  to 
make  any  concession  to  avoid  war  up  to  a  certain 
limit,  beyond  that  he  would  not  go.  In  an  interview 
printed  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  January  30,  1861,  he 
said  : 

"  I  will  suffer  death  before  I  will  consent  or  advise 
my  friends  to  consent  to  any  concession  or  compro 
mise  which  looks  like  buying  the  privilege  of  taking 
possession  of  the  Government  to  which  we  have  a 
Constitutional  right;  because,  whatever  I  might  think 
of  the  merit  of  the  various  propositions  before  Con 
gress,  I  should  regard  any  concession  in  the  face  of 
menace  as  the  destruction  of  the  Government  itself, 
and  a  consent  on  all  hands  that  our  system  shall  be 
brought  down  to  a  level  with  the  existing  disorgan 
ized  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico.  But  this  thing  will 
hereafter  be,  as  it  is  now,  in  the  hands  of  the  people, 
and  if  they  desire  to  call  a  convention  to  remove  any 
grievances  complained  of,  or  to  give  new  guarantees 
for  the  permanence  of  vested  rights,  it  is  not  mine  to 
oppose." 

He  recognized  the  fact  that  the  threatened  war  was 
the  legitimate  outgrowth  of  a  century  of  strife,  and 
that  the  exciting  cause  was  slavery,  to  preserve  which 
the  Southern  people  were  ready  to  sever  their  Con 
stitutional  relation  with  the  North,  and  establish  a 
separate  government.  He  could  not  fail  to  appreci 
ate  how  disastrous  would  be  the  blow  to  the  pros 
perity  of  both  sections,  yet  he  did  not  base  his  actions 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  375 

upon  the  plea  of  expediency,  but  rather  on  the  funda 
mental  principle  of  the  unity  of  the  nation  and  the 
binding  power  of  the  Constitution.  He  impatiently 
brushed  aside  the  fallacy  enunciated  by  Buchanan, 
who  said  that  it  was  no  doubt  contrary  to  the  Con 
stitution  for  a  State  to  secede,  but  when  it  had  once 
seceded,  there  was  no  power  in  the  Constitution  to 
compel  it  to  resume  its  former  relations.  In  Lin 
coln's  opinion  the  Constitution  was  a  solemn  compact 
which,  as  it  had  been  ratified  by  all  the  States,  could 
only  be  dissolved  by  the  consent  of  all. 

He  could  not  at  first  believe  that  the  better  sense 
of  the  Southern  people  would  sanction  secession,  and 
he  was  willing  to  make  every  reasonable  concession 
to  them  if  he  might  thereby  secure  peace.  In  the 
light  of  subsequent  history  it  seems  passing  strange 
that  the  Southern  people  could  so  persistently  mis 
understand  him.  The  truth  is  that  they  were  taught 
by  their  leaders  to  believe  him  to  be  the  personifi 
cation  of  all  the  most  radical  elements  which  were 
arrayed  against  slavery.  They  believed  him  to  be 
only  waiting  his  opportunity  to  coerce  them  by  force 
of  arms  and  to  destroy  their  pet  institution  with  a 
malignant  hatred  which  would  inflict  fiery  punish 
ment  upon  the  innocent  and  helpless.  The  men, 
who  inspired  such  beliefs,  knew  better,  but  they  be 
lieved  the  time  to  be  ripe  for  their  purpose  and  could 
find  no  better  way  to  arouse  the  common  people  than 
by  warning  them  of  the  terrible  results  that  would 
follow  the  election  of  Lincoln. 

Through  it  all  the  South  had  no  better  nor  wiser 
friend  than  the  President-elect.  He  had  frequently 
denied  that  he  had  any  desire  to  interfere  with  slavery 


376  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

while  kept  within  Constitutional  bounds;  and  so  de 
cided  had  been  his  position  on  this  question  that  he 
had  almost  alienated  the  abolition  element  from  his 
support.  For  slavery  he  would  never  call  out  an 
army  nor  declare  war.  But  to  preserve  the  unity  of 
the  country  and  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  he 
would  not  hesitate  to  enter  upon  the  most  destruc 
tive  and  desolating  war  of  modern  times. 

It  is  marvellous  that  in  this  distracting  period, 
when  surrounded  by  multitudes  of  counsels,  and  be 
set  by  men  of  all  shades  of  political  belief,  each  one 
determined  to  win  him  over  to  his  views,  and  when 
almost  overwhelmed  by  the  most  complicated  politi 
cal  problems  which  modern  civilization  has  ever 
presented,  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  an  untried  man, 
should  have  the  sagacity  to  see  his  only  true  course 
and  the  firmness  to  maintain  his  position  when 
opposed  by  the  wisdom  and  prejudice  of  his  political 

j  friends,  as  well  as  by  the  malignant  passions  of  his 
enemies. 

At  the  very  time  when  many  believed  that  he  was 
demonstrating  his  unfitness  for  the  position,  he  was 
really  giving  the  best  evidence  of  his  superiority  over 
all  the  political  leaders  of  the  day.  History  hardly 
affords  a  parallel  case  and  America  alone  of  all  coun 
tries  offers  the  possibility  of  its  occurrence.  A  man  of 
little  culture,  inexperienced  in  the  details  of  govern- 

;  ment,  coming  from  the  lowest  walks  in  life,  steps  for 
ward  and  solves  the  difficulties  of  a  situation  in  the 
presence  of  which  the  oldest  and  most  astute  statesmen 
stand  helpless.  No  other  evidence  than  this  is  needed 
of  the  fact  that  an  all-wise  Providence  presides  over  the 
destinies  of  the  great  Republic  and  directs  its  affairs. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  377 

Without  Lincoln  the  secession  would  have  become 
an  accomplished  fact. 

In  the  general  conduct  of  the  war  he  seldom  erred. 
Where  a  principle  of  action  was  involved  he  arrived 
at  the  right  decision  by  an  unerring  judgment  that 
amounted  almost  to  intuition.  He  made  many  mis 
takes,  but  they  were  largely  the  results  of  inexperi 
ence,  and  were  mainly  in  the  working  out  of  details. 

He  tried  the  patience  of  many  good  patriots  by  not 
declaring  war  as  soon  as  hopes  of  a  peaceful  solution 
of  the  difficulty  had  passed  away,  but  he  saw  the 
immense  moral  advantage  to  be  gained  by  compelling 
the  South  to  become  the  aggressor,  and  he  did  the 
hardest  of  all  things  when  he  waited  while  all  his  sur 
roundings  seemed  to  summon  him  to  action. 

The  dreadful  disasters  of  the  first  year  of  the  war 
are  traceable  only  indirectly  to  him  :  they  were  the 
legitimate  results  of  the  weak,  compromising  policy  of 
his  predecessor  and  the,  as  yet,  undemonstrated  in 
efficiency  of  responsible  officers. 

History  shows  the  surprising  fact  that  no  great 
military  movement  which  was  undertaken  contrary 
to  his  judgment,  ever  resulted  in  permanent  advan 
tage,  while  no  policy  originated  and  inforced  by  him, 
failed  to  meet  with  some  degree  of  success.  And 
yet  he  was  an  utter  stranger  to  the  art  of  war  on  the 
March  day  when  he  first  assumed  the  duties  of  the 
Presidential  office. 

His  profound  sagacity  was  again  shown  in  the 
events  which  preceded  and  led  up  to  the  emanci 
pation  proclamation.  As  a  political  policy,  emanci 
pation  never  found  an  advocate  in  him,  for  he  believed 
it  to  be  contrary  to  the  previsions  of  the  Constitution. 


378  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

It  was  only  when  the  exigencies  of  the  war  plainly 
demanded  it  that  he  issued  the  proclamation,  and 
then  only  as  a  military  measure. 

His  delay  was  ascribed  to  every  possible  motive. 
Many  trusted  him  and  were  ready  to  await  the  oppor 
tunity  which  should  be  approved  by  his  judgment. 
Others  fretted  and  bewailed  his  hesitation  and  sought 
to  end  it  by  every  means  in  their  power.  Pressure 
was  brought  to  bear  upon  him  from  all  quarters. 
Delegations  of  clergymen  quoted  the  words  of  the 
Crusaders  of  old  "  God  wills  it."  Philanthropists 
besought  him  in  the  name  of  humanity  ;  statesmen 
demanded  it  as  a  political  necessity;  Abolitionists 
asked  it  as  a  consummation  of  their  half  century  of 
}  labor  and  suffering;  military  officers  told  him  that  it 
was  the  only  thing  that  would  quell  the  rising  dis 
affection  in  the  army  and  unite  in  the  support  of  the 
Union  all  right-minded  people.  Countless  dele 
gations  thronged  his  reception  rooms  and  the  mails 
were  flooded  with  appeals,  yet  he  could  not  be  moved 
by  any  of  them.  Though  deeply  affected,  neither 
prayers,  commands  nor  threats  could  induce  him  to 
take  action  until  his  judgment  approved  the  oppor 
tunity. 

The  will  of  one  man  alone  stood  between  the 
country  and  incalculable  disasters,  but  that  will  was 
strong  as  adamant. 

He  made  himself  not  only  the  civil  but  military 
leader  of  the  country.  In  every  department  of  the 
Army  and  Navy,  his  directing  influence  was  felt. 
Necessarily  the  most  of  the  details  were  intrusted  to 
his  subordinates  and  wherever  an  official  proved  him 
self  worthy  he  gave  him  the  widest  latitude. 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  .    379 

Had  Lincoln  been  in  the  field  in  command  of  the 
national  forces  the  war  would  have  been  fought  more 
vigorously  and  more  quickly.  Strict  military  tactics 
might  not  always  have  been  regarded,  and  some 
movements  not  recognized  by  the  manual,  might  have 
been  executed,  but  even  if  it  were  unconventionally 
waged,  the  war  would  have  lacked  nothing  of  vigor 
and  directness. 

It  is  detracting  nothing  from  the  glorious  services 
of  officers  and  men,  whether  in  the  Cabinet  and 
Capitol  or  on  the  field,  to  say  that  the  President 
formed  one  of  the  chief  elements  in  the  success  of 
the  Federal  arms. 

Mr.  Lincoln  never  had  the  opportunity  to  demon 
strate  his  sagacity  in  the  solution  of  the  great  prob 
lems  developed  by  the  successful  issue  of  the  war. 
The  reconstruction  of  the  seceded  States  involved 
many  complicated  questions  and  delicate  considera 
tions.  There  were  many  theories  whose  value  could 
only  be  proven  by  application,  and  their  application 
might  be  disastrous. 

He  had  given  a  long  and  careful  consideration  to 
the  matter,  and  it  is  known  that  he  had  early  formu 
lated  a  policy  by  which  to  guide  his  actions.  This 
policy  was  a  generous  one,  more  generous  than  ever 
a  conqueror  had  dictated  to  a  conquered  people 
before.  It  was  never  subjected  to  a  satisfactory  test 
for  he  was  assassinated  before  the  opportunity 
arrived.  There  is  little  reason  to  doubt,  however, 
that  it  would  have  been  at  least  as  successful  as  the 
one  which  was  afterwards  put  in  force. 

The  angularities  of  his  character  often  over 
shadowed  his  great  merits,  but  the  verdict  of  history 


380  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

is  unaffected  by  many  of  the  characteristics  which 
were  most  evident  to  his  associates.  His  greatness 
grows  as  time  passes  by  and  his  character  is  better 
appreciated. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

IN  regard  to  his  religious  views  he  was  always 
extremely  reticent.  He  seldom  referred  to  the  sub 
ject  in  conversation,  even  with  his  friends,  yet  it  is 
plain  that  during  the  last  years  of  his  life  he  was 
actuated  by  high  religious  principles.  Now  and  then 
a  chance  utterance,  together  with  the  deep  reverence 
which  pervades  his  proclamations  and  other  public 
addresses,  afford  nearly  all  the  authentic  testimony 
we  have  on  the  subject. 

He  cared  little  for  doctrinal  beliefs  or  sectarian 
differences,  but  rather  grasped  the  broad  principles 
of  religion  which  are  common  to  all  devout  people  of 
whatever  denomination. 

Mr.  Fell,  an  old  acquaintance,  says  of  him  :  "  His 
religious  views  were  eminently  practical  and  are 
summed  up,  as  I  think,  in  these  two  propositions  : 
the  Fatherhood  of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of  man. 
He  fully  believed  in  a  superintending  and  overruling 
Providence  that  guides  and  controls  the  operations 
of  .the  world,  but  maintained  that  law  and  order,  and 
not  their  violation  or  suspension,  are  the  appointed 
means  by  which  this  Providence  is  exercised.  M1 

Mrs.  Lincoln  once  said  to  Mr.  Herndon  :  "  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  no  faith  and  no  hope  in  the  usual  accept- 


»  Herndon's  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  444. 

(380 


32  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

ation  of   those  words.     He    never   joined   a   church  ; 
fl  but   still,  as    I    believe,    he  was  a  religious   man    by 
|  nature.     He  first  seemed  to  think  about  the  subject 
/  when  our  boy  Willie  died,  and  then  more  than  ever 
about  the  time  he  went  to  Gettysburg ;  but  it  was  a 
kind  of  poetry  in  his  nature  and  he  was  never  a  tech 
nical  Christian."  1 

Mr.  Herndon,  who  had  exceptional  opportunities  to 
observe   his  inner  life,  says      "  The  world  has  always 
insisted  on  making  an  orthodox  Christian  of  him,  and 
to  analyze  his  sayings  or  sound  his  beliefs  is  but  to 
i  break  the  idol.     It  only  remains  to  say  that  whether 
}  orthodox  or  not,  he  believed  in  God  and  immortality  ; 
and  even  if  he  questioned  the  existence  of  future  eter 
nal  punishment,  he  hoped  to  find  a  rest  from  trouble 
and  a  heaven  beyond  the  grave.     If  at  any  time  in  his 
life  he  was  skeptical  of  the  Divine  origin  of  the  Bible, 
he  ought  not  for   that  reason  to  be  condemned  ;  for 
'  he  accepted  the  practical  precepts  of  the  great  Book 
.;  as  binding  alike  on  his  head  and   conscience.     The 
benevolence   of  his  impulses,  the  seriousness  of  his 
convictions,  and  the  nobility  of  his  character  are  evi- 
•  dences  unimpeachable  that  his   soul  was  ever  filled 
with  the  exalted  purity  and  sublime  faith  of  natural 
religion."  3 

He  was  particularly  impressed  with  the  efficacy  of 
prayer  and  more  than  once  bore  testimony  to  his 
belief  in  it. 

/  "I  have  been  driven  many  times  to  my  knees,"  he 
j  once  remarked,  "by  the  overwhelming  conviction 
>  that  I  had  nowhere  else  to  go.  My  own  wisdom,  and 


1  Herndon's  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  445. 
3  The  same  p.  446. 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  383 

that  of  all  about  me,  seemed  insufficient  for  that 
day." 

In  speaking  of  his  mother  he  said  to  a  friend  :  "  I 
remember  her  prayers  and  they  have  always  followed 
me.  They  have  clung  to  me  all  my  life." 

Upon  the  death  of  his  son  Willie,  a  Christian  lady 
assured  him  that  many  Christians  were  praying 
for  him,  he  replied  :  "  I  am  glad  to  hear  that,  I  want 
them  to  pray  for  me.  I  need  their  prayers." 

A  clergyman  once  said  in  his  presence  that  he 
hoped  "the  Lord  was  on  our  side." 

"I  am  not  at  all  concerned  about  that,"  replied  Mr. 
Lincoln,  "  for  I  know  that  the  Lord  is  always  on  the 
side  of  the  right.  But  it  is  my  constant  anxiety  and 
prayer  that  I  and  this  nation  should  be  on  the  Lord's 
side." 

It  is  but  just  to  say  that  many  of  his  early  friends 
affirm  that  in  his  younger  days  he  was  not  only  irre 
ligious  but  that  he  was  a  positive  atheist.  It  is  said 
that  he  delighted  to  deny  the  inspiration  of  the  Bible, 
the  divinity  of  Jesus  Christ  and  the  existence  of  God, 
and,  furthermore,  that  he  once  wrote  a  bold,  atheis 
tical  treatise  which  he  intended  to  have  printed  but 
which  a  wise  friend  secured  and  destroyed.  These 
allegations  are  so  at  variance  with  his  character  in 
after  life  that  it  is  difficult  to  believe  them.  It  is  cer 
tain  that,  if  they  are  true,  he  gained  wisdom  with  ad 
vancing  years  and  abandoned  his  atheistical  belief. 

It  is  pleasant  to  turn  from  these  statements  to  his 
proclamations  aud  public  addresses  during  the  war. 
No  President  has  ever  evinced  a  more  exalted  piety 
or  deeper  reverence  for  the  Supreme  Being  in  his 
public  utterances  than  did  Lincoln,  and  no  one  who 


384  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

knows  the  native  sincerity  and  honesty  of  the  man, 
can  believe  they  were  assumed. 

In  a  letter  to  Rev.  Alexander  Reed,  the  General 
Superintendent  of  the  Christian  Commission,  dated 
February  22,  1863,  he  said  : 

"  Whatever  shall  be,  sincerely  and  in  God's  name, 
devised  for  the  good  of  the  soldiers  and  seamen  in 
their  hard  spheres  of  duty,  can  scarcely  fail  to  be 
blessed;  and  whatever  shall  tend  to  turn  our  thoughts 
from  the  unreasoning  and  uncharitable  passions,  prej 
udices  and  jealousies  incident  to  a  great  national 
trouble,  such  as  ours,  and  to  fix  them  on  the  vast  and 
long  enduring  consequences,  for  weal  or  woe,  which 
are  to  result  from  the  struggle,  and  especially  to 
strengthen  our  reliance  upon  the  Supreme  Being  for 
the  final  triumph  of  the  right,  cannot  but  be  well  for 
us  all." 

During  the  summer  of  1863  the  feelings  of  the 
people  were  wrought  up  to  the  highest  pitch.  The 
air  was  full  of  the  rumors  of  a  Northern  invasion.  It 
was  known  that  Lee  was  making  extensive  prepar 
ations  for  an  expedition  into  Pennsylvania  with  the 
intention  of  carrying  the  war  into  the  hitherto  peace 
ful  regions  of  the  North.  The  siege  of  Vicksburg 
was  dragging  along  with  little  apparent  prospect  of 
ultimate  success.  When  the  news  came  of  the  fall  of 
the  Southern  stronghold  and,  almost  at  the  same 
time,  of  the  great  victory  at  Gettysburg,  the  rejoicing 
of  the  people  was  unrestrained.  It  was  during  this 
period  of  jubilation  that  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  a  proc 
lamation, 

"  To  set  apart  a  time  in  the  near  future,  to  be  ob 
served  as  a  day  for  national  thanksgiving,  praise  and 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN,  385 

prayer  to  Almighty  God,  for  the  wonderful  things  he 
had  done  in  the  nation's  behalf,  and  to  invoke  the 
influence  of  his  Holy  Spirit  to  subdue  the  anger 
which  has  produced  and  so  long  sustained  a  needless 
and  cruel  rebellion,  to  change  the  hearts  of  the  in 
surgents,  to  guide  the  councils  of  the  Government 
with  wisdom  adequate  to  so  great  a  national  emer 
gency,  and  to  visit  with  tender  care  and  consolation 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land,  all 
those  who,  through  the  vicissitudes  and  marches, 
voyages,  battles  and  sieges,  had  been  brought  to  suffer 
in  mind,  body  or  estate,  and  finally  to  lead  the  whole 
nation  through  paths  of  repentance  and  submission 
to  the  Divine  will,  back  to  the  perfect  enjoyment  of 
Union  and  fraternal  peace." 

"  It  has  pleased  Almightly  God  to  hearken  to  the 
supplications  and  prayers  of  an  afflicted  people,  and  to 
vouchsafe  to  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
on  the  land  and  on  the  sea,  victories  so  signal  and  so 
effective  as  to  furnish  reasonable  grounds  for  aug 
mented  confidence  that  the  Union  of  these  States  will 
be  maintained,  their  Constitution  preserved,  and  their 
peace  and  prosperity  permanently  secured  ;  but  these 
victories  have  been  accorded,  not  without  sacrifice  of 
life,  limb  and  liberty  incurred  by  brave,  patriotic  and 
loyal  citizens.  Domestic  affliction  in  every  part  of 
the  country  follows  in  the  train  of  these  fearful 
bereavements. 

"  It  is  meet  and  right  to  recognize  and  confess  the 
presence  of  the  Almighty  Father  and  the  power  of  His 
hand  equally  in  these  triumphs  and  these  sorrows/' 

His  proclamation,  issued  at  the  close  of  the  event- 


386  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

ful  summer  of  1863,  setting  apart  a  day  for  national 
thanksgiving,  has  rarely  been  excelled  in  beauty  of 
language  and  exalted  sentiment.  It  is  not  possible 
that  the  man  who  penned  these  lines  cherished  any 
doubts  as  to  the  existence  of  God  or  that  he  believed 
Him  to  be  only  a  beneficent  first  principle  pervading 
the  universe. 

"  The  year  that  is  drawing  towards  its  close  has 
been  filled  with  the  blessings  of  fruitful  fields  and 
healthful  skies. 

"  To  these  bounties,  which  are  so  constantly  enjoyed 
that  we  are  prone  to  forget  the  source  from  which 
they  come,  others  have  been  added  which  are  of 
so  extraordinary  a  nature  that  they  cannot  fail  to 
penetrate  and  soften  even  the  heart  which  is  habitu 
ally  insensible  to  the  ever-watchful  Providence  of 
Almighty  God. 

"  In  the  midst  of  a  civil  war  of  unparalleled  magni 
tude  and  severity,  which  has  sometimes  seemed  to 
invite  and  provoke  the  aggressions  of  foreign  States, 
peace  has  been  preserved  with  all  nations,  order  has 
been  maintained,  the  laws  have  been  respected  and 
obeyed,  and  harmony  has  prevailed  everywhere 
except  in  the  theatre  of  military  conflict,  while  that 
theatre  has  been  greatly  contracted  by  the  advancing 
armies  and  navies  of  the  Union. 

"  The  needful  diversion  of  wealth  and  strength  from 
the  fields  of  peaceful  industry  to  the  national  defense 
has  not  arrested  the  plow,  the  shuttle,  or  the  ship. 

"The  ax  has  enlarged  the  borders  of  our  settle 
ments,  and  the  mines,  as  well  of  iron  and  coal  as  of 
the  precious  metals,  have  yielded  even  more  abun 
dantly  than  heretofore. 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  387 

"  Population  has  steadily  increased,  notwithstand 
ing  the  waste  that  has  been  made  in  the  camp,  the 
siege  and  the  battlefield  ;  and  the  country,  rejoicing 
in  the  consciousness  of  augmented  strength  and 
vigor,  is  permitted  to  expect  a  continuance  of  years, 
with  large  increase  of  freedom. 

"  No  human  council  hath  devised,  nor  hath  any 
mortal  hand  worked  out  these  great  things.  They 
are  the  gracious  gifts  of  the  most  high  God,  who, 
while  dealing  with  us  in  anger  for  our  sins,  hath, 
nevertheless,  remembered  mercy. 

"  It  has  seemed  to  me  fit  and  proper  that  they 
should  be  solemnly,  reverently  and  gratefully 
acknowledged,  as  with  one  heart  and  voice,  by  the 
whole  American  people.  I  do  therefore  invite  my 
fellow-citizens  in  every  part  of  the  United  States,  and 
also  those  who  are  at  sea,  and  those  who  are  sojourn 
ing  in  foreign  lands,  to  set  apart  and  observe  the  last 
Thursday  of  November  next  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving 
and  prayer  to  our  beneficent  Father,  who  dwells  in 
the  heavens  ;  and  I  recommend  to  them  that  while 
offering  up  the  ascriptions,  justly  due  to  Him  for 
such  singular  deliverances  and  blessings,  they  do 
also,  with  humble  penitence  for  our  national  per- 
verseness  and  disobedience,  commend  to  His  tender 
care  all  those  who  have  become  widows,  orphans, 
mourners,  or  sufferers  in  the  lamentable  civil  strife  in 
which  we  are  unavoidably  engaged,  and  fervently 
implore  the  interposition  of  the  Almighty  hand  to 
heal  the  wounds  of  the  Nation,  and  restore  it,  as  soon 
as  may  be  consistent  with  the  Divine  purposes,  to  the 
full  enjoyment  of  peace,  harmony,  tranquility  and 
union." 


388  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

In  a  letter  written  to  Mrs.  Eliza  P.  Gurney,  dated 
September  30,  1864,  the  following  passage  occurs: 
"  I  am  much  indebted  to  the  good  Christian  people 
of  the  country  for  their  constant  prayers  and  consola 
tions,  and  to  no  one  of  them  more  than  yourself.  The 
purposes  of  the  Almighty  are  perfect  and  must  pre 
vail,  though  we  erring  mortals  may  fail  to  accurately 
perceive  them  in  advance.  We  hoped  for  a  happy 
termination  of  this  terrible  war  long  before  this ;  but 
God  knows  best  and  has  ruled  otherwise.  We  shall 
yet  acknowledge  His  wisdom  and  our  own  errors 
therein  ;  meanwhile,  we  must  work  earnestly  in  the 
best  light  He  gives  us,  trusting  that  so  working  con 
duces  to  the  great  end  He  so  ordains.  Surely  He 
intends  some  great  good  to  follow  this  mighty  con 
vulsion  which  no  mortal  could  make,  and  no  mortal 
could  stay.  Your  people,  the  Friends,  have  had,  and 
are  having,  very  great  trials  on  principles  and  faith 
opposed  to  both  war  and  oppression.  They  can  only 
practically  oppose  oppression  by  war.  In  this  hard 
dilemma  some  have  chosen  one  horn  and  some  the 
other. 

"  For  those  appealing  to  me  on  conscientious 
grounds  I  have  done  and  shall  do  the  best  I  could 
and  can,  in  my  own  conscience,  under  my  oath  to  the 
land.  That  you  believe  this  I  doubt  not  and,  believ 
ing  it,  I  shall  still  receive  for  my  country  and  myself 
your  earnest  prayers  to  our  Father  in  heaven." 

A  few  words  of  his  illustrate  a  different  aspect  of 
the  same  question,  and  give  more  than  a  hint  at  the 
practical,  every-day  character  of  his  religion. 

Late  in  1864,  two  ladies  from  Tennessee  came  to 
the  President  to  beg  for  the  release  of  their  husbands, 


ABRAHAM     LINCOLN.  389 

who  were  held  as  prisoners  of  war  at  Johnson's 
Island.  They  were  accorded  several  interviews  be 
fore  their  request  was  granted,  and  at  each  visit  one 
of  the  ladies  urged,  as  additional  grounds  for  her 
husband's  release  that  he  was  a  religious  man.  Fi 
nally  their  request  was  granted,  and  the  order  was 
given  for  their  release.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  to  the  lady, 
who  had  reminded  him  so  persistently  of  her  hus 
band's  religious  character  : 

"You  say  your  husband  is  a  religious  man;  tell 
him  when  you  meet  him  that  I  say  I  am  not  much  of 
a  judge  of  religion,  but  that,  in  my  opinion  the 
religion  that  sets  men  to  rebel  and  fight  against  this 
Government,  because,  as  they  think,  that  Govern 
ment  doesn't  sufficiently  help  some  men  to  eat  their 
bread  on  the  sweat  of  other  men's  faces,  is  not  the 
sort  of  religion  upon  which  people  can  get  to 
heaven." 

These  illustrations  show  that  his  thoughts  were 
not  wholly  centred  on  the  things  of  this  world,  but 
that  he  had  pondered  deeply  upon  the  higher,  prob 
lems  of  life,  that  he  had  felt  the  need  of  light,  and 
had  sought  until  he  found  it. 

He  was  not  a  constant  attendant  upon  church  ser 
vices,  but  this  is  far  from  proving  that  he  was  heed 
less  of  religious  influences.  The  seeds  of  true  religion 
are  not  necessarily  planted  within  the  walls  of  a 
sanctuary. 

That  religion  is  truest  and  best  whose  profession  is 
made  in  a  pure  life  and  a  self-sacrificing  love  for 
humanity.  The  spirit  of  Christ  may  manifest  itself 
more  perfectly  in  deeds  than  in  words. 

If  ever  a  man  lived  a  religious    life  that  man  was 


39°  ABRAHAM     LINCOLN. 

Abraham  Lincoln.  Love  to  God  and  love  to  man 
was  his  creed.  The  world  was  his  church.  His  ser 
mons  were  preached  in  kindly  words  and  merciful 
deeds.  His  loving  benediction  still  rests  upon  the 
heads  of  millions  of  his  fellow-men,  whom  he  raised 
up  from  the  humiliation  of  bondage  to  the  level  of 
manhood  and  womanhood. 

"  O,  slow  to  smite  and  swift  to  spare, 

Gentle  and  merciful  and  just ! 
Who,  in  the  fear  of  God,  didst  bear 
The  sword  of  power — a  nation's  trust ! 

"  Thy  task  is  done  ;  the  bond  are  free  ; 
We  bear  thee  to  an  honored  grave, 
Whose  proudest  monument  shall  be 
The  broken  fetters  of  the  slave. 

"  Pure  was  thy  life  ;  its  bloody  close 

Has  placed  thee  with  the  sons  of  light, 
Among  the  noble  host  of  those 

Who  perished  in  the  cause  of  Right." 


INDEX. 


Albany,  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  183-184. 
Anderson,  Lieut.  Robert,  47-48. 
Antietam,  263. 
Appomattox,  269. 

Ashmun,  Hon.  George,  notifies  Lincoln  of  his  nomination 
to  the  Presidency,  160. 

Baker,  Col.,  death  of,  216. 

Ball's  Bluff,  Battle  of,  216. 

Bateman,  Dr.  Newton,  Conversation  with  Lincoln,  162-163. 

Blackhawk  War,  45-48. 

Blair,  Judge,  192. 

Boone,  Daniel,  13. 

Booth,  J.  Wilkes,  337-338. 

Breckenridge,  John,  29. 

Buchanan,    James,   elected    President,    117;    his   Cabinet, 

176-177. 
Bull  Run,  Battle  of,  214-215. 

Cabinet,  Buchanan's,  176-177;  Lincoln's,  188-192. 

Cameron,  Hon.  Simon  made  Secretary  of  War,  191-192. 

Campaign  of  1860,  169-170. 

Capital  of  Illinois,  location  at  Springfield,  64. 

Cartwright,  Rev.  Peter,  runs  for  Congress,  94-95. 

Chancellorsville,  274. 

Chase,    Hon.   Salmon    P.,   character,   191  ;    candidate    for 

Presidency,  301-302;  made  Chief-Justice,  303. 
Chicago,    National    Republican    Convention    at,    157-160; 

National  Democratic  Convention  at,  306-309. 
Cincinnati,  Lincoln's  speeches  in,  143-144,  182. 
Cleveland,  Convention  of  malcontents  at,  304. 


392  INDEX. 

Clingman,  Hon.  Thomas,  Speech  in  Congress  on  Slavery, 

172-173. 

Confederacy,  Southern  Provisional  Government,  177. 
Congress,  special  session  of,  213-214;  action  in  regard  to 

slavery,  239-240. 
Congressional  Committee  meets  to  arrange  Lincoln's  funeral 

services,  341. 
Cooper  Institute,  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  145-150. 

Democratic  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  306. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  his  life,  108 ;  comparison  with  Lincoln, 
108-109;  Address  at  State  Fair,  118;  challenged  by  Lin 
coln  to  a  discussion  of  political  questions,  129;  debates 
with  Lincoln,  129-140;  speeches  in  Ohio,  143;  canvass  for 
Presidential  nomination,  155  ;  Prophecy  in  regard  to  the 
war,  203-204  ;  Attitude  towards  Lincoln's  Administration, 
210-211;  Death  of,  211. 

Election  of  1864,  309. 

Emancipation,  Lincoln's  policy  in  regard  to,  238-239; 
Northern  sentiment  in  regard  to,  241 ;  Lincoln's  account, 
of,  243-246,  248-249;  final  proclamation,  247-248;  influ 
ence  of,  249-251  ;  1 3th  Amendment,  293-295. 

Everett,  Edward,  Speech  at  Gettysburg,  284. 

Five  Points  Sabbath  School,  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  151-152. 

Ford's  Theatre,  336. 

Forquer,  answered  by  Lincoln,  61. 

Fredericksburg,  263. 

Fremont,  Gen.  John  C.,  nominated  for  Presidency,  112,  304. 

Gentry ville,  21. 

Gettysburg,  Battle  of,  266-267,  282-283;  dedication  of  ceme 
tery,  284-286;  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  285-286. 

Grant,  Gen.,  character  of,  258;  capture  of  Vicksburg.  263; 
Lincoln's  letter  to,  264-265;  Battle  of  Missionary  Ridge, 
265-266;  made  Commander-in-Chief,  267;  his  opinion  of 
Lincoln,  281. 


INDEX.  393 

Greeley,  Horace,  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  301. 
Gulliver,  his  estimate  of  Lincoln's  oratory,  152-153. 
Gurley,  Rev.  Dr.,  tribute  to  Lincoln,  342-347. 

Hall,  Rev.  Newman,  story  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  361-362. 

Hanks,  Nancy,  16. 

Hardin,  John  J.,  elected  to  Congress,  92. 

Harrison,  Gen.,  elected  President,  85-86. 

Herndon,  Wm.  H.,  enters  into  partnership  with  Lincoln,  94. 

Illinois,    character   of,  35  ;    Lincoln's  letter  to  friends   in, 

289-290. 
Inaugural  Address,  Lincoln's  first,  193-202  ;  Lincoln's  second, 

313-316. 

Indianapolis,  Lincoln's  reception  by  Legislature,  181. 
Internal  improvements,  63. 

Kansas-Nebraska  biii,  109. 
Knob-Cruk,  17. 

Lee,  Gen.,  invasion  of  Pennsylvania,  266-267  ;  surrender  -at 
Appomattox,  269. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  family,  12;  birth,  17;  early  disposition, 
18-23;  removed  to  Indiana,  19;  education,  21-22;  per 
sonal  appearance,  24 ;  habits  of  reading,  24-25;  reference 
to  speech  at  Trenton,  25-26  ;  death  of  his  mother,  26-27 1 
his  father's  second  marriage,  28  ;  studious  habits,  29  ;  first 
attempts  at  public  speaking,  30;  poetical  productions,  31 ; 
strength,  32  ;  love  of  the  water,  32  ;  trip  to  New  Orleans, 
33  ;  first  contact  with  slavery,  33-34 ;  reputation,  37-38 : 
habit  of  story  telling,  38  ;  second  trip  to  New  Orleans,  39  ; 
settles  in  New  Salem,  41 ;  conflict  with  the  Clary's  Grove 
Boys,  42 ;  whips  a  rowdy,  42-43;  "Honest  Abe,"  43; 
Blackhawk  war,  45  ;  elected  captain,  45  ;  saved  life  of  a 
fugitive  Indian,  46-47  ;  candidate  for  Legislature,  48-49  ; 
first  political  speech,  49-50 ;  enters  into  partnership  with 
Berry,  50;  failure  in  business,  50;  commences  study  of 
law,  50-51,  appointed  postmaster,  51-52;  appointed 


394  INDEX. 

deputy  surveyor,  53;  his  accuracy,  53;  election  to  Legis 
lature,  54;  political  manifesto,  54;  campaign,   55-56;  love 
for  Annie  Rutledge,  56-57  ;  candidate  for  Legislature,  58; 
avowal  of  political  principles,  58  ;  canvass,  59 ;  reply  to  Col. 
Taylor,  60;  reply  to  Forquer,  61  ;  second  election  to  Leg 
islature,  62  ;  resolution  in  regard  to  slavery  in  District  of 
Columbia,  65-66 ;  removal  to  Springfield,  68  ;  "  Logan  and 
Lincoln,"  68  ;  address  in  "The  Perpetuation  of  our  Free 
Institutions,"  70-73 ;  political  address,   73-74;  defense  of 
the  son  of  an  old  friend,  75-76;  character,  77-78  ;  joke  on 
Judge  Logan,  78-79  ;  story  of  the   horse-trade,   80;    story 
of  the  jackknife,  81  ;  story  of  the  drunken  coachman,  81- 
82  ;  story  of  thepig,82  ;  his  tenderheartedness^;  kindness 
to  his  step-mother,  83-84  ;  third   term  in  Legislature,  85  ; 
campaign  of  1840,  85-86  ;  Mary  Todd,  86-87  ;  story  of  his 
awkward  dancing,  87-88  ;  duel  with  Gen.   Shields,   88-90; 
date  of  wedding  set,  90;  marriage,  91  ;  speech  at  Gentry- 
ville,  93 ;  "  Lincoln  and   Herndon,"  94  ;  elected   to   Con 
gress,  94;  Congressional  experience,  96  ;  position  in  regard 
to  the  Mexican  war,  97-98  ;  speech  on   "  The   Presidency 
and   General    Politics,"  98 ;     candidate    for  government 
position,  98  ;  appearance,  98-99 ;  honesty,    101-102;  com 
parison  with  Douglas,  108-109;  joins   Republican    party, 
in  ;  speech  in  Chicago,  113;  helps  a  colored  woman,  113- 
114;  refuse  a  nomination  to  State   Legislature,  114;  can 
didate  for  Senator,  114-115;    Bloomington   speech,    116;' 
speech  at  State  fair,  118;  speech  at  Peoria,  119-121 ;  nom 
inated  for  U.  S.  Senate,  121 ;  speech  accepting  nomination, 
121-124;  readiness  to  turn  a  point,  125;  visit  to   Cincin 
nati,  126-128;  challenges  Douglas  to  a  political  discussion, 
129;  Lincoln-Douglas  debates,  129-140;  fitness  for  Presi 
dency,  141-142  ;   speech   in   Cincinnati,    143-144;  Cooper 
Institute  speech,  145-150;  speech  at  Five  Points  Sabbath 
School,  151-152;    Gulliver's    estimate    of    his  oratorical 
powers,    152-154;  State  Convention  at  Decatur,  156-157  ; 
Chicago  Convention,  157-160;  nominated  to  Presidency, 
159;  official  notification,  160;    reputation,    161-166;  con- 


INDEX.  395 

versation  with  Dr.  Newton  Bateman,  162-163  ;  character 
164,  165,  223-224,  255,  269-270,  279;  position  in  regard  to 
slavery,  165;  incidents  of  campaign,  167-168;  elected 
President,  169;  electoral  votes  counted,  178  ;  policy  in 
regard  to  extension  of  slavery,  178;  desire  for  harmony, 
179;  leaves  Springfield,  180;  farewell  speech,  180-181; 
reception  at  Indianapolis,  181;  trip  to  Washington,  180- 
187;  speech  at  Cincinnati,  182;  personal  appearance,  183; 
speech  at  Albany,  183-184;  speech  at  Trenton,  184;  speech 
at  Philadelphia,  184-185;  speech  at  Harrisburg,  186;  hur 
ried  trip  to  Washington,  187 ;  political  doctrines, 
188-189;  forms  his  Cabinet,  189-192;  inauguration, 
193-202;  difficulties,  206-207,  221;  war  policy,  210; 
Proclamation  calling  for  volunteers,  211 ;  his  view  of  the 
war,  212-213,  237-238  ;  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  214-215  ;  Trent 
affair,  216-221 ;  personal  appearance  and  tastes,  225,  227- 
228;  his  office,  226-227;  death  of  his  son  Willie,  229-231 ; 
reply  to  delegation  from  New  York,  232 ;  carelessness  of 
criticism  233;  belief  in  prayer,  234;  reply  to  Mr.  Greeley, 
236-237 ;  military  emancipation,  238-239 ;  answer  to 
Quaker  delegation,  241  ;  decides  to  issue  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  242 ;  his  story  of  the  Proclamation,  243- 
246,  248-249 ;  Second  Annual  Message,  247  ;  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation,  247-248;  War  Policy,  253,  258,  271-272  ; 
receives  news  of  the  capture  of  Norfolk,  260-261  ;  at 
Antietam,  273;  Message  to  Congress, 276-278  ;  appreciation 
of  Grant's  services,  278-280;  story  of  Syke's  dog,  281  ; 
speech  at  Gettysburg,  285-286 ;  letter  to  Illinois  friends* 
289-290;  Proclamation,  291-292;  passage  of  1 3th  Amend 
ment,  293-295 ;  domestic  life,  296-297  ;  enjoins  Sabbath 
observance,  297-298;  election  of  1864,  299-300;  second 
candidacy,  301  ;  second  nomination,  305 ;  response  to 
committee,  306;  letter  of  acceptance,  306 ;  remarks  on 
election,  310;  Second  inaugural,  311-316 ;  at  City  Point, 
317;  at  Richmond,  318-320;  incident  related  by  Admiral 
Porter,  321-325;  reception  of  news  of  Lee's  surrender, 
324-327  ;  story  of  the  boy  and  the  coon,  327-328  ;  his  last 


396  INDEX. 

day.  332-339 ;  last  Cabinet  meeting,  333 ;  last  ride  with 
Mrs.  Lincoln,  333;  last  official  order,  334;  attempts  on  his 
life,  335  ;  at  Ford's  Theatre,  336  ;  assassination,  336-337  ; 
death,  338-339 ;  general  mourning,  340-341  ;  funeral 
ceremonies,  341-350;  at  the  White  House,  342;  at  the 
Capitol,  343 ;  at  Baltimore,  345  ;  at  Philadelphia,  345-346 ; 
at  New  York,  346 ;  at  Albany,  347  ;  at  Chicago,  347-348  ; 
at  Springfield,  348-350;  his  ambition,  351 ;  his  modesty, 
352;  his  response  to  the  Union  League,  353-354;  his 
patience,  354-355  ;  his  message  to  Congress,  May  29, 1862, 
356-359;  his  compassion,  360-362;  his  personal  habits, 
363;  his  temperance,  363 ;  in  advance  of  his  surround 
ings,  365  ;  incident  narrated  by  schoolmate,  367  ;  reputa 
tion  as  a  lawyer,  368-369;  in  politics,  369,  371  ;  relations 
to  the  Abolitionists,  371-372;  interview  in  N.  Y.  Tribune, 
374 ;  sagacity,  376 ;  general  conduct  of  the  war,  377-379 ; 
religious  views,  381  ;  Mr.  Herndon's  opinion  of  his  relig 
ion,  382 ;  belief  in  prayer,  382-383 ;  devout  tone  of  his 
proclamations  and  letters,  383-388  ;  interview  with  two 
ladies  from  Tennessee,  389-390. 

Lincoln,  John,   12,13. 

Lincoln,  Mordecai,  12,  15. 

Lincoln,  Samuel,  12. 

Lincoln,  Thomas,  15. 

Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  129-140. 

Lincolnshire,  12. 

Long  Nine,  62. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  Speech  on  Trent  Affair,  218-219. 

McClellan,  Gen.,  first  campaign,  214;  character  of,  222-223; 
peninsula  campaign,  261-263  ;  rudeness  to  the  President, 

354-355- 

Mercer  County,  13. 
Merrimac,  259-260. 
Mexican  War,  96-97. 
Missionary  Ridge,  265-266. 
Monitor,  259-260. 


INDEX.  397 

Negroes  allowed  to  enlist,  240. 

New  Salem,  39-40. 

Norfolk,  Capture  of,  260-261. 

North,  the,  Effect  of  siege  of  Sumter  upon,  208-209. 

North  Carolina  passes  secession  ordinance,  205. 

Offutt,  Denton,  39. 

Palmer,  Gen.,  story  of  Lincoln,  360. 
Philadelphia,  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  184-185. 
Porter,  Admiral,  account  of  Lincoln's  visit  to  Richmond, 
318-320;  anecdote  of  Lincoln,  321-325. 

Republican  Convention,  111-112,  305. 
Republican  Party,  in. 
Republican  Platform,  305. 

Richmond^  Campaign  around,  268;  capture  of,   269;  Lin 
coln's  visit  to,  318-320. 
Rutledge,  Annie,  56-57. 

Sangamon  River,  49. 

Secession,   170,   172;  discussed  in  Congress,     172-175;    of 

States,  1 76 ;  outbreak  of  war  of,  207-209. 
Seward,  Hon.  Wm.  H.,  Character  of,  190,  191. 
Shields,  Gen.,  duel  with  Lincoln,  88-90. 
Slavery,  Position  of  Illinois  in  regard  to,  65  ;  resolutions  in 

Illinois  Legislature,  65-66 ;  growth  and  development  of, 

103-106;  Kansas-Nebraska   Bill,   109-111;   Congressional 

action  in  regard  to,  239-240. 
South,  Blockade  of,  256-257. 
Speed,  Joshua  F.,  68. 
Springfield  Bar,  68. 
Squatter  Sovereignty,  no. 
Stanton,  Hon.  E.  M.,  at  Cincinnati,  126-128. 
State  Convention  at  Decatur,  156-157. 
State  Sovereignty,  171. 
Stevens,  Hon.  Thaddeus,  speech  on  slavery  in   Congress, 

172. 


398  INDEX. 

Taney,  Chief-Justice,  administers  oath  to  Lincoln,  201. 

Taylor,  Col.  Dick,  59—60. 

Todd,  Mary,  86-87. 

Toombs,  Hon.  Robert,  speech  on  slavery  in  Congress,  173- 

174. 

Trent  Affair,  216-221. 
Trenton,  Lincoln's  Speech  at,  184. 
Tribune,  New  York,  War  policy  of,  235-236. 

Vandalia,  Capital  of  Illinois,  56. 
Vicksburg,  Capture  of,  263-265. 
Voodoo  Fortune-teller,  34. 

Westminster  Review,  Estimate  of  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  Ad 
dress,  286. 


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